Quota (pronounced kwoh-tuh)
(1) The
share or proportional part of a total that is required from, or is due or
belongs to a particular district, state, person, group etc.
(2) A
proportional part or share of a fixed total amount or quantity.
(3) The
number or percentage of persons of a specified kind permitted (enrol in an
institution, join a club, immigrate to a country, items to be imported etc).
1660–1670:
From the Medieval Latin, a clipping of the Latin quota pars ((a percentage of yield owed to the authority as a form
of taxation (in the New Latin, a quota, a proportional part or share; the share
or proportion assigned to each in a division), from quotus ((which?; what number?; how many?, how few?)), from quat (how many?; as many as; how much?),
from the Proto-Italic kwot, from the primitive Indo-European kwóti, the adverb from kwos & kwís; it was cognate with the Ancient Greek πόσος (pósos) and the Sanskrit कति (kati). In English, until
1921 the only known uses of “quota” appear to be in the context of the Latin
form, use spiking in the years after World War I (1914-1918) when “import
quotas” were a quick and simply form of regulating the newly resumed
international trade. Quota is a noun,
the noun plural is quotas.
Google ngram: Because of the way Google harvests data for their ngrams, they’re not literally a tracking of the use of a word in society but can be usefully indicative of certain trends, (although one is never quite sure which trend(s)), especially over decades. As a record of actual aggregate use, ngrams are not wholly reliable because: (1) the sub-set of texts Google uses is slanted towards the scientific & academic and (2) the technical limitations imposed by the use of OCR (optical character recognition) when handling older texts of sometime dubious legibility (a process AI should improve). Where numbers bounce around, this may reflect either: (1) peaks and troughs in use for some reason or (2) some quirk in the data harvested.
Being
something imposed by those in authority, quotas attract work-arounds and
imaginative techniques of avoidance & evasion. The terms which emerged included (1) quota-hopping
(the registration of a business, vehicle, vessel et al in another jurisdiction
in order to benefit from its quota), (2) quota quickie (historically, a class
of low-cost films commissioned to satisfy the quota requirements of the UK’s Cinematograph
Films Act (1927), a protectionist scheme imposed to stimulate the moribund
local industry. The system widely was
rorted and achieved little before being repealed by in the Films Act (1960)
although modern historians of film have a fondness for the quota quickies which
are a recognizable genre of cultural significance with a certain period charm,
(3) quota refugee (a refugee, relocated by the office of the UNHCR (United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) to a country other the one in which
they sought asylum in, in accord with relevant certain UN quotas).
The
writers of the animated TV series South Park (1997) (made with the technique
DCAS (digital cutout animation style), a computerized implementation of the
original CAS (cutout animation style) in which physical paper or cardboard
objects were (by hand) moved (still images later joined or the hands edited-out
if filmed); the digital process deliberately emulates the jerky, 2D
(two-dimensional) effect of the original CAS) had their usual fun with the idea
of a DEI (diversity, equity, inclusion) quota as “tokenism” with the creation
of the character Token Black (ie the “token black character” among the
substantially white ensemble). However,
in 2022, some 300 episodes into the series, the character was retconned to become
“Tolkien Black”, the story-line being he was named after JRR Tolkien
(1892–1973), author of the children’s fantasy stories The Hobbit (1937) & The
Lord of the Rings trilogy (1954-1955).
Retonning (the full form being “retroactive continuity” is a literary
device (widely (and sometimes carelessly) used in many forms of pop culture) in
which previously-established facts in a fictional are in some way changed (to
the point even of eradication or contradiction). This is done for many reasons which can be
artistic, a reaction to changing public attitudes, administrative convenience
or mere commercial advantage. What South
Park’s producers did was comprehensively retrospective in that the
back-catalogue was also updated, extending even to the sub-titles, something
like the “unpersoning” processes under Comrade Joseph Stalin (1878-1953; Soviet
leader 1924-1953) or the painstaking “correcting” of the historic record
undertaken by Winston Smith in George Orwell’s (1903-1950) Nineteen Eighty-Four (1949) .
Undertaken during the high-point of the BLM (Black Lives Matter)
movement, the change did attract comment and most seemed to regard it as an
attempt to remove a possible trigger for protest but there was also the
argument there may have been concern the use of the given name “Token” might be
able to be interpreted as a comment on the sometimes inventive spellings used
by African-American parents. While the
use of “Token” as a comment on “white racism” was acceptable, an allusion to
the racial stereotyping implicit in the spelling would be classified as at
least a microaggression and probably white racism in action.
The English word quote
(pronounced kwoht) was related to quota by a connection with the Latin quot.
It is used variously: (1) to repeat or use (a passage, phrase etc.) from
a book, speech or such, (2) to enclose (words) within quotation marks or (3) to
state a price. It dated from the
mid-fourteenth century and was from the Middle English coten & quoten (to
mark a text with chapter numbers or marginal references), from the Old French coter, from the Medieval Latin quotāre (to divide into chapters and
verses), from the Latin quot (how
many) and related to quis (who). The use evolved from the sense of “to give as
a reference, to cite as an authority” to by the late seventeenth meaning “to
copy out exact words”. The use in
commerce (“to state the price of a commodity or service” dates from the 1860s
and was a revival of the etymological meaning from the Latin, the noun in this
context in use by at least 1885.
In
Australian politics, there have long been “informal” quotas. Although Roman Catholics have in recent years
infiltrated the Liberal Party (in numbers which suggest a “take-over” can’t be
far off), there was a time when their presence in the party was rare and Sir
Neil O'Sullivan (1900–1968) who between 1949-1958 sat in several cabinets under
Sir Robert Menzies (1894–1978; prime-minister of Australia 1939-1941 &
1949-1966), noted wryly that as the ministry’s “designated Roman Catholic”, he: “wore the badge of his whole race.” That was of course an “unofficial” (though
for years well-enforced) quota but the concept appears to this day to persist, including
in the ALP (Australian Labor Party) which, long past it’s “White Australia”
days, is now more sensitive than some to DEI.
However, the subtleties of reconciling the ALP’s intricate factional
arrangements with the need simultaneously to maintain (again unofficial) quotas
preserving the delicate business of identity politics seem to have occasional
unexpected consequences. In the first cabinet
of Anthony Albanese (b 1963; prime-minister of Australia since 2022), there was
one “designated Jew” (Mark Alfred Dreyfus (b 1956). Mark Dreyfus’s middle name is “Alfred” which
is of course striking but there is no known genealogical connection between and
the Alfred Dreyfus (1859–1935), the French Jewish army officer at the centre of
the infamous Dreyfus affair (1894-1906).
The surname Dreyfus is not uncommon among European Jews and exists most
frequently in families of Alsatian origin although the Australian’s father was
a Jewish refugee from Nazi Germany. Having
apparently outlived his ethnic usefulness, Dreyfus fell victim to factional axe
and was dumped from the ministry, some conspiracy theorists pondering whether
the ALP might have liked the “optics” of expelling a Jew while the party’s
reaction to the war in Gaza was being criticized by Muslim commentators.
Smiles all round. Official photograph of the new ALP ministry, Canberra, Australia, June 2022.
The
cabinet also had one “designated Muslim” (Edham Nurredin “Ed” Husic (b 1970)),
notable for being both the first Muslim elected to federal parliament and thus
the first to serve in a ministry. That
had an obviously pleasing multi-cultural symmetry but for a number of reasons
the ALP achieved a remarkably successful result in the 2025 election and that
complicated things because radically it changed the balance in the numbers
between the party’s right-wing, the relativities between the New South Wales (NSW)
and Victorian factions significantly distorted relative to their presence in
the ministry. While the ALP is often
(correctly) described as “tribal”, it’s really an aggregation of tribes, split
between the right, left and some notionally non-aligned members, those
alliances overlaid by each individual’s dependence on their relevant state or
territory branch. The system always
existed but after the 1960s became institutionalized and it’s now difficult to
imagine the ALP working without the formalized (each with its own letterhead)
factional framework for without it the results would be unpredictable; as all
those who claimed the Lebanese state would be a better place were the influence
of the Hezbollah to be eliminated or at least diminished are about to discover,
such changes can make things worse.
However,
the 2025 election delivered the ALP a substantial majority but what was of
interest to the political junkies was that the breakdown in numbers made it
obvious the NSW right-wing was over-represented in the ministry, compared to
the Victorian right. What that meant was
that someone from NSW had to be sacrificed and that turned out to be Mr Husic,
replaced as the cabinet’s designated Muslim by Dr Anne Aly from the Western
Australia’s Labor Left. Culturally, to
many that aspect seemed culturally insensitive.
To be replaced as designated Muslim might by Mr Husic have been accepted
as just a typical ALP factional power play (a reasonable view given it was the
faction which put him in the ministry in the first place) had he been replaced
by a man but to be replaced by a Muslim woman must have been a humiliation and
one wonders if the factional power-brokers have done their “cultural awareness
training”, something the party has been anxious to impose on the rest of the
country. Mr Husic’s demise to the less
remunerative back-bench is said to have been engineered by Deputy Prime
Minister Richard Marles (b 1967) of the Victorian Right Faction and his role
wasn’t ignored when Mr Husic was interviewed on national television, informing
the country: “I
think when people look at a deputy prime minister, they expect to see
a statesman, not a factional assassin.” Given the conduct & character of some previous
holders of the office, it’s not clear why Mr Husic would believe Australians
would think this but, in the circumstances, his bitterness was
understandable. Somewhat optimistically,
Mr Husic added: “There
will be a lot of questions put to Richard about his role. And that's something that he will have to
answer and account for.” In
an act of kindness, the interviewer didn’t trouble to tell his interlocutor:
(1) Those aware of Mr Marles’ role in such matters don’t need it explained and
(2) those not aware don’t care.
When Mr Marles was
interviewed, he was asked if he thought he had “blood on his hands”, the same
question which more than forty years earlier had been put to Bob Hawke
(1929–2019; Prime Minister of Australia 1983-1991) who had just (on the eve of
a general election) assumed the ALP leadership after the “factional assassins”
had pole-axed the hapless Bill Hayden (1933–2023; ALP leader 1977-1983)
after the latter’s earnest but ineffectual half decade as leader of Her
Majesty’s loyal opposition. Mr Hawke,
not then fully house-trained by the pre-modern ALP machine, didn’t react well
but to Mr Marles it seemed water of a duck’s back and he responded: “I don't accept
that, these are collective processes... they are obviously difficult processes. But, at the end of the day we need to go through
the process of choosing a ministry in the context of there being a lot of
talented people who can perform the role.” Unfortunately, Mr Marles declined to discuss the
secret factional manoeuvring which led to Mr Husic being sacrificed, the
speculation including Dr Ally being thought better value because she could be
not only cabinet’s designated woman but also boost the female numbers in the
body, a matter of some sensitivity given how many women had joined the ALP
caucus, many of them unexpectedly winning electorates to which they’d gain
pre-selection only because the factional power-brokers considered them
unwinnable.
Still,
to be fair to Mr Marles, his anodyne non-answers were a master-class in
composition and delivery: “There are so many people who would be able to admirably
perform the role of ministers who are not ministers. What I would say is I'm really confident
about the ministry that has been chosen and the way in which it's going to
perform on behalf of the Australian people.
But in the same breath, I'd also very much acknowledge the contribution
that Ed Husic has made and for that matter, that Mark Dreyfus has made. Both have made a huge contribution to this
country in the time that they have served as ministers. I am grateful for that.” Whether or not he believed his gratitude
would be appreciated, Mr Marles was emphatic about his faction maintaining its
Masonic-like cloak of secrecy, concluding his answer by saying: “I'm not about to
go into the detail of how those processes unfold. I've not spoken about those processes in the
past obviously and I'm not about to talk about them now.” It’s a shame politicians don’t think their
parties should be as “transparent” the standard they often attempt to impose on
others because Mr Marles discussing the plotting & scheming of factional
machinations would be more interesting than most of what gets recited at his
press conferences.
Although
the most publicized barbs exchanged by politicians are inter-party, they tend
to be derivative, predictable or scripted and much more fun are the
spur-of-the-moment intra-party insults.
Presumably, intra-faction stuff might be juicier still but the leaks
from that juicer are better sealed which is a shame because the ALP has a solid
history in such things.
Bill Hayden not having forgotten the part played in his earlier axing as party leader by Barrie Unsworth (b 1934; Premier of NSW 1986-1988) observed of him: “…were you the sort person who liked the simple pleasures in life, such as tearing the wings off butterflies, then Barrie Unsworth was the man for you.” Hayden had not escape critiquing either, the man who deposed him (Bob Hawke) describing him in the run up to the coup as “A lying cunt with a limited future.” Another ALP leader (Gough Whitlam (1916–2014; prime minister of Australia 1972-1975)) had a way with words, complaining to Charlie Jones (1917-2003): “You’re the transport minister, but every time you open your mouth, things go into reverse.” Nor did Whitlam restrict his invective to individuals, once complaining of some of his colleagues: “I can only say we've just got rid of the '36 faceless men' stigma to be faced with the 12 witless men.” The twelve were members of the ALP’s federal executive who in 1966 were poised to engineer Whitlam’s removal as deputy leader of the opposition and would have, had he not out- maneuvered them.
Sydney Daily Telegraph 22 March 1963 (left) and Liberal Party campaign pamphlet for 1963 federal election (right).
Dating
from 1963, the phrase “36 faceless men” (one of whom was the token
woman, the ALP having quotas even then) described the members of the ALP’s
federal conference which, at the time, wrote the party platform, handing to the
politicians to execute. The term came to
public attention when a photograph appeared on a newspaper’s front page showing
Whitlam and Arthur Calwell (1896-1973; ALP leader 1960-1967) standing outside
the hotel where the 36 were meeting, waiting to be invited in to be told what
their policies were to be. The
conservative government used to great effect the claim the ALP was ruled by “36 faceless men”. In the 2010s, there was a revival when there
were several defenestrations of prime-ministers & premiers by factional operators
who did their stuff, mostly in secret, through back channel deals and political
thuggery. In an untypically brief & succinct
address, Dr Kevin Rudd (b 1957; Prime-Minister of Australia 2007-2010 &
2013) at the time summed up his feelings for his disloyal colleagues: “In recent days,
Minister Crean [Simon Crean (1949–2023; ALP leader 2001-2003)] and a number of
other faceless men have publicly attacked my integrity and therefore my fitness
to serve as a minister in the government.... I deeply believe that if the
Australian Labor Party, a party of which I have been a proud member for more
than 30 years, is to have the best future for our nation, then it must change
fundamentally its culture and to end the power of faceless men. Australia must
be governed by the people, not by the factions.” Otherwise mostly forgotten, Simon Crean and
his followers are remembered as “Simon and the Creanites”, a coining by Peter
Costello (b 1957; Treasurer of Australia, 1996-2007) who re-purposed “Creanites”
from an earlier use by Paul Keating (b 1944; Prime Minister of Australia
1991-1996).