Context

Context (pronounced kon-tekst)

(1) In structural linguistics, the factors which may define or help disclose the meaning or effect of a written or spoken statement including (1) the words preceding or following a specific word or passage, (2) the position of the author, (3) the identity of the author, (4) the intended audience, (5) the time and place in which the words were delivered and (6) such other circumstances as may be relevant.

(2) The surroundings, circumstances, environment, background or settings that might determine, specify or clarify the meaning of an event or other occurrence.

(3) In mycology, the fleshy fibrous body (trama) of the pileus in mushrooms.

(4) In Novell’s Netware network operating system, an element of Directory Services (the hierarchical structure used to organize and manage network resources), one’s context being a specific level within the directory tree.

(5) To knit or closely bind; to interweave (obsolete).

(6) In archaeology and anthropology, the surroundings and environment in which an artifact is found and which may provide important clues about the artifact's function, age, purpose, cultural meaning etc.

(7) In formal logic (for a formula), a finite set of variables, which set contains all the free variables in the given formula.

1375–1425: From the late Middle English context (a composition, a chronicle, the entire text of a writing), from (and originally the past participle of) the Latin contextus (a joining together, scheme, structure), the construct being contex(ere) (to join by weaving; to interweave) + -tus (the suffix of a verb of action).  The construct of contexere was con- + texere (to plait or braid, to weave), from the primitive Indo-European root teks (to weave; to build; to fabricate).  The prefix con- was from the Middle English con-, from the Latin con-, from the preposition cum (with), from the Old Latin com, from the Proto-Italic kom, from the primitive Indo- European ḱóm (next to, at, with, along).  It was cognate with the Proto-Germanic ga- (co-), the Proto-Slavic sъ(n) (with) and the Proto-Germanic hansō.  It was used with certain words to add a notion similar to those conveyed by with, together, or joint or with certain words to intensify their meaning.  The verb contex (to weave together) was known as early as the 1540s and was also from the Latin contexere; it was obsolete by the early eighteenth century.

The meaning "the parts of a writing or discourse which precede or follow, and are directly connected with, some other part referred to or quoted" developed in the mid-late sixteenth century.  The adjective contextual (pertaining to, dealing with the context) dates from 1822, on the model of textual and the phrase “contextual definition” appeared first in works of philosophy in 1873.  Contextualization from 1930 & contextualize from 1934 were both products of academic writing.  Many of the derivations (acontextual, contextual criticism, contextual inquiry, contextualist, contextuality, contextualize, metacontextual, non-contextual, sub-contextual) are associated with academic disciplines such as linguistics and anthropology but, predictably, the verb decontextualize (study or treat something in isolation from its context) emerged in 1971 and came from postmodernism where it found a home, along with the inevitable decontextualized, decontextualizing & decontextualization.  Context is a noun, verb & adjective, contextual & contextualistic are adjectives, contextualism, contextuality & contextualization are nouns, contexture is a noun & verb, contextualist is a noun & adjective, contextualize, contextualizing & contexualized are verbs and contextualistically & contextually are adverbs; the noun plural is contexts.

Contextual truth

In the law of defamation law, “contextual truth” describes one of the defences available to a defendant (ie the party accused of defaming the applicant).  It’s an unusual aspect of defamation law (and there are others) in that while it acknowledges certain statements may literally be false yet may still convey a broader truth or accurate meaning when considered in the context in which they were made or considered in the context of other statements (dealing usually with matters more serious) which were part of the case.  Although there have been reforms in many jurisdictions, as a general principle, defamation happens if statements found to be false have harmed the reputation of an individual or entity (although in some places, including some with respectable legal systems, it’s possible to defame with the truth).  Typically though, successfully to establish a claim of defamation, a plaintiff needs to prove (1) a statement was false, (2) that it was published or communicated to a third party and (3) that the plaintiff suffered harm as a consequence.  The defense of contextual truth essentially “runs on top” of the traditional rules in that while the some (or even all in legal theory) of the specific details of a statement may be factually incorrect, but when considered in context, they can be found to convey an underlying truth.

For example, if someone publishes an article stating that a public figure was involved in a scandalous incident, and it later emerges that some of the specific details in the article were incorrect, the defendant might argue contextual truth. They may claim that while the specific details were inaccurate, the overall implication of wrongdoing or impropriety by the public figure was true or substantially true.  Successfully to invoke the defense requires a defendant must demonstrate the impression conveyed by the statement was substantially accurate, even if specific details were incorrect and the form this takes is often that the statement alleged to be defamatory statement was not intended as a recounting of specific facts but rather a representation of a larger truth.  Despite the terminology, the defences of justification and partial justification really don’t sit on a continuum with contextual truth which demands at least one or more imputations complained of to be substantially true, and in light of the substantial truth of those imputations, the remainder of the imputations complained of do no further harm to the plaintiff’s reputation.  Like justification, contextual truth can be a complete defence to a claim and is often invoked as a defense where other statements being considered allege conduct much more likely to damage a reputation.

Pronunciation can of course be political so therefore can be contextual.  Depending on what one’s trying to achieve, how one chooses to pronounce words can vary according to time, place, platform or audience.  Some still not wholly explained variations in Lindsay Lohan’s accent were noted circa 2016 and the newest addition to the planet’s tongues (Lohanese or Lilohan) was thought by most to lie somewhere between Moscow and the Mediterranean, possibly via Prague.  It had a notable inflection range and the speed of delivery varied with the moment.  Psychologist Wojciech Kulesza of SWPS University of Social Sciences and Humanities in Poland identified context as the crucial element.  Dr Kulesza studies the social motives behind various forms of verbal mimicry (including accent, rhythm & tone) and he called the phenomenon the “echo effect”, the tendency, habit or technique of emulating the vocal patters of one’s conversational partners.  He analysed clips of Lilohan and noted a correlation between the nuances of the accent adopted and those of the person with who Ms Lohan was speaking.  Psychologists explain the various instances of imitative behaviour (conscious or not) as one of the building blocks of “social capital”, a means of bonding with others, something which seems to be inherent in human nature.  It’s known also as the “chameleon effect”, the instinctive tendency to mirror behaviors perceived in others and it’s observed also in politicians although their motives are entirely those of cynical self-interest, crooked Hillary Clinton’s adoption of a “southern drawl” when speaking in a church south of the Mason-Dixon Line a notorious example.

Memo: Team Douglas Productions, 29 July 2004.

Also of interest is the pronunciation of “Lohan” although this seems to be decided by something more random than context although it’s not clear what.  Early in 2022, marking her first post to TikTok, she pronounced her name lo-en (ie rhyming with “Bowen”) but to a generation brought up on lo-han it must have been a syllable too far because it didn’t catch on and by early 2023, she was back to lo-han with the hard “h”.  It’s an Irish name and according to the most popular genealogy sites, in Ireland, universally it’s lo-han so hopefully that’s the last word.  However, the brief flirtation with phonetic H-lessness did have a precedent:  When Herbie: Fully Loaded (2005) was being filmed in 2004, the production company circulated a memo to the crew informing all that Lohan was pronounced “Lo-en like Co-en” with a silent “h”.

Sherpa

Sherpa (pronounced sher-puh or shur-puh)

(1) A member of a people of Tibetan stock (thought ultimately of Mongolian origin) living on the southern slopes of the Nepalese Himalayas, noted as mountaineers and well-known for their frequent service as porters on mountain-climbing expeditions.

(2) The Southern Tibetan language of the Sherpa people.

(3) An official (chosen by or allocated to a government representative or delegate at a summit meeting or conference) who assists with preparation and related matters.

(5) A native inhabitant of a region, employed by visiting journalists, NGO (non-government organization) employees etc to assist  in resolving local administrative and other difficulties (also sometimes called "fixers").

(5) A synthetic fabric with a long, thick pile, in the style of faux fur, lambs wool or fleece and often used in cold climates to line coats or jackets.

1847: An adoption of colonial English, under the Raj, from the Tibetan Sherpa, literally "dweller in an eastern country".  Sherpa is a verb, noun & proper noun; the two noun plural forms are being Sherpas, (especially collectively) & Sherpa,  all forms capitalized or not depending on context.  When used in the context of summit meetings and such, sherpa is sometimes used as a verb but some insist this remains irregular.

Lunch at the G7 Summit hosted in 1982 by François Mitterrand (1916–1996; President of France 1981-1995) at the Palace of Versailles.

The origin of the use of sherpa in international diplomacy dates from the mid 1970s.  Not alone in his feelings, French president Valéry Giscard d'Estaing (1926–2020; President of France 1974-1981) was finding international meetings increasingly too formal and bureaucratic and decided what was needed was a smaller aggregation consisting essentially of those who mattered.  From this idea emerged the G5, seen originally as a kind of informal fireside chat among the leaders of France, Germany, Japan, the UK and the US, the membership mirroring that of the Group of Five (finance ministers) which had coalesced in the aftermath of the disruptions caused by the first oil shock in 1973-1974.  Italy was quickly added to the formation to create a group of six and, a couple of years later, Canada joined, this formation enduring to this day as the Group of Seven (G7).  Russia was added in 1997 (creating the G8) but expelled in 2014 when Moscow began it's military adventures in the Crimea.  In many of the early meetings at Versailles the heads of government were often accompanied by only a single advisor and they came to be called "sherpas", an allusion to the idea of mountain guides marking the way through strange surroundings.   

Lindsay Lohan in sherpa-lined jacket, Falling for Christmas (Netflix, 2022).

Counter-intuitively, the attraction of the gathering was that it was vested with no formal powers which, paradoxically appears to have made it work rather better as a decision-making apparatus.  Being informal and thus smaller, without the usual array of advisors and experts, it was also more nimble, the original vision being a single high-level official from each country preparing the summit by negotiating on behalf of the head of government.  This was the birth of the sherpa, the metaphor well-borrowed because just as Sherpas of the Himalayas use their familiarity with the technically difficult terrain of the mountains to assist the better-known climbers on their summit ascents, so their G7 counterparts carry the discussions to just short of the summit so their heads of government can plant the flags on the peak.  Historically, the sherpa was meant to be so low-profile as to be almost unknown by most in the general public except the real political junkies.

In recent years, there have been changes, the entourages have grown and the awareness of the sherpa process has risen, especially as the G7 focused increasingly on issues of international development, thus becoming a target for the professional lobbyists attached to the NGOs which feed of the processes.  Nevertheless, the sherpas continue to try to resolve as much contentious material ahead of time, reputedly even drafting the final communiqués well in advance of the meetings beginning.  Despite the changes, more than one Sherpa has noted the G7 in many ways still reflect the original ideal of an intimate conversation whereas the G20 meetings with the phalanxes of aides and representatives of many institutions is by comparison a huge structure of stage-management.

Tony Blair (b 1953; UK prime-minister 1997-2007) & Alastair Campbell (b 1957; variously spokesman, campaign director, press secretary and director of communications for Labour Party (1994-2005) & Tony Blair 

It’s an unusual role in that many more are qualified for the job than are suitable to fulfill it given it simultaneously demands both the skills and knowledge of a politician yet needs someone who prefers not to be in the spotlight.  Inevitably some sherpas do become well-known, sometimes by design and sometimes not.  Alastair Campbell often acted as sherpa for Tony Blair and he noted in his diary that the nature of the sherpa’s role was to “…get all of the shit, none of the glory, and you spend a lot of the time taking seriously people you despise.  You would not be human if that did not make you angry.”

Blurb

Blurb (pronounced blurb)

(1) A brief promotional piece, almost always laudatory, used historically for books, latterly for about any product.

(2) To advertise or praise in the manner of a blurb.

1907: Coined by US graphic artist and humorist Gelett Burgess (1866–1951).  Blurbs are a specific type of advertisement, similar exercises in other contexts known also as “puff pieces”, “commendations” or “recommendations”.  Generally, they contain elements designed to tempt a buyer which may include a précis (something less than a detailed summary), a mention of the style and a recommendation.  The term was originally invoked to mock the excessive praise printed on book jackets and was often parodied in a derisively imitative manner and is still sometimes critically used thus but it’s also now a neutral descriptor and an accepted part of the publishing industry.  Blurb is a noun & verb, blurbing & blurbed are verbs, blurbist is a noun and blurbish is an adjective; the noun plural is blurbs.

The blurb has apparently existed for some two-thousand–odd years but the word became well-known only after a publishing trade association dinner in 1907, Gelett Burgess displaying a dust jacket printed with the words “YES, this is a “BLURB”!”, featuring the (fictitious) Miss Belinda Blurb who was said to have been photographed “...in the act of blurbing”, Burgess adding that to blurb was “… to make a sound like a publisher…” and was “…a check drawn on fame, and it is seldom honoured”.  There are sources claiming the word was coined by US academic and literary critic Brander Matthews (1852–1929) in his essay American Character (1906) but Professor Matthews acknowledged the source genuinely was Burgess, writing in the New York Times (24 September 1922): “Now and again, in these columns I have had the occasion to employ the word “blurb”, a colourful and illuminating neologism which we owe to the verbal inventiveness of Mr Gelett Burgess”.

Burgess had released Are You a Bromide? in 1906 and while sales were encouraging, he suggested to his publishers (BW Huebsch) that each of the attendees and the upcoming industry dinner should receive a copy with a “special edition” dust cover.  For this, Burgess used the picture of a young lady who had appeared in an advertisement for dental services, snapped in the act of shouting.  It was at the time common for publishers to use pictures of attractive young ladies for book covers, even if the image was entirely unrelated to the tome’s content, the object being to attract a male readership.  Burgess dubbed his purloined model “Miss Belinda Blurb” and claimed she had been photographed “in the act of blurbing”; mid-blurb as it were.

Are you a Bromide (Publisher's special edition, 1907).

The dust cover was headed with the words “YES, this is a “BLURB”! All the Other Publishers commit them. Why Shouldn’t We?” and knowing a blurb should not in moderation do what can be done in excess, went on to gush about the literary excellence of his book in rather the manner a used car salesman might extol the virtues of some clapped-out car in the corner of the yard.  His blurb concluded “This book is the Proud Purple Penultimate!”  The industry must have been inspired because the blurb has become entrenched, common in fiction and non-fiction alike and the use of the concept can be seen in film, television, social media and just about anywhere there’s a desire to temp a viewer.  Indeed, the whole idea of “clickbait” (something which tells enough to tantalize but not enough to satisfy without delving deeper) is a functional application of a blurb.  Depending on the source, the inspiration for the word came from either (1) the sound made by a book as it falls to the floor, (2) the sound of a bird chirping or (3) an amalgam of “burp” & “blather”.  The author left no clue.

In his book, Burgess innovated further, re-purposing the word "bromide".  In inorganic chemistry, a bromide is a binary compound of bromine and some other element or radical, the construct being brom- (an alternative form of bromo- (used preceding a vowel) which described a substance containing bromine (from the French brome, from the Ancient Greek βρῶμος (brômos) (stink)) + ide (the suffix used in chemistry to describe substances comprising two or more related compounds.  However, early in the twentieth century, Bromide was a trade name for a widely available medicine, taken as a sedative and in some cases prescribed to diminish “an excessive sexual appetite”.  It was the sedating aspect which Burgess picked up to describe someone tiresome and given to trite remarks, explaining “a bromide” was one “…who does his thinking by syndicate and goes with the crowd” and was thus boring and banal.  A bromine’s antonym was, he helpfully advised, a “sulphite”.  Unfortunately, while blurb flourished, bromide & sulphites as binary descriptors of the human condition have vanished from the vernacular.

Lindsay Lohan with body double during shooting for Irish Wish (Netflix, due for release in 2023).  The car is a Triumph TR4.

Nteflix's blurb for Irish Wish: Always a bridesmaid, never a bride — unless, of course, your best friend gets engaged to the love of your life, you make a spontaneous wish for true love, and then magically wake up as the bride-to-be.  That’s the supernatural, romantic pickle Lindsay Lohan (Mean Girls, The Parent Trap) finds herself in upcoming romantic comedy, Irish Wish.  Set in the rolling green moors of Ireland, the movie sees Lohan's Maddie learn her dreams for true love might not be what she imagined and that her soulmate may well be a different person than she originally expected. Apparently magic wishes are quite insightful.

Blurb Your Enthusiasm (2023, distributed by Simon & Schuster).

Louise Willder has for a quarter century been a copywriter for Penguin, in that time composing some 5000 blurbs, each a two-hundred-odd word piece which aims both to inform and tempt a purchase.  Her non-fiction debut Blurb Your Enthusiasm is not only a review of the classic blurbs (the good, the bad and the seriously demented) but also an analysis of the trends in the structure of blurbs and the subtle shifts in their emphasis although, over the centuries, the purpose seems not to have changed.  Ms Willder also documents the nuances of the blurb, the English tendency to understatement, the hyperbolic nature of Americans and the distaste the French evidently have of having to say anything which might disclose the blurb’s vulgar commercial purpose and she traces, over time, how changing attitudes and societal mores mean what’s written of a nineteenth century classic is very different now to when first it was published.  Inevitably too, there are the sexual politics of authorship and publishing and blurbs can reveal as much by the odd hint or what’s left unsaid than what actually appears on a dust cover.  Academics and reviewers have perhaps neglected the blurb because it has traditionally been dismissed as mere advertising but, unless the author’s name or the subject matter is enough of a draw, even more than a cover illustration or title, it’s the blurb which can close the sale and collectively, they’re doubtlessly more widely read than reviews.  Blurb Your Enthusiasm is highly recommended.

Faction

Faction (pronounced fak-shun)

(1) A group or clique forming a minority within a larger body, especially a dissentious group within a political party, government or organization.  The terms “splinter group”, “breakaway”, “reform group”, “ginger group” et al are sometimes used as factional descriptors depending on the circumstances but the more familiar (and sometimes formally institutionalized) are forms like “right”, “left”, “wet”, “dry” “moderate”, “conservative” et al.

(2) Internal organizational strife and intrigue; discord or dissension (applied mostly to political parties but used also to describe the internal workings of many institutions).

(3) As a portmanteau word, the construct being fact + (fict)on), in literature, film etc, a form of writing which blends fact and fiction (though distinct from the literary form “magic realism); in journalism, elements of faction are seen in variations of the technique sometimes called “new” or “gonzo” journalism.  In reportage, it should not be confused with “making stuff up” and it’s distinct from the “alternative facts” model associated with some staff employed in the Trump White House.

1500-1510: From the fourteenth century Middle French faction, from the Latin factionem (nominative factiō) (a group of people acting together, a political grouping (literally “a making or doing”)), a noun of process from the perfect passive participle factus, from faciō (do, make), from facere (to make, to do), from the primitive Indo-European root dhe- (to set; put; to place or adjust).  The adjective factious (given to faction, turbulently partisan, dissentious) dates from the 1530s and was from either the French factieux or the Latin factiosus (partisan, seditious, inclined to form parties) again from factionem; the related forms were the noun factiousness and the adverb factiously.  In ancient Rome, the factions were the four teams which contested the chariot racing events in the circus, the members distinguished by the colors used for their clothing and to adorn their horses and equipment.  Because politics and the sport soon intertwined the meaning of faction shifted to include “an oligarchy, usurping faction, party seeking by irregular means to bring about a change in government”.  Even after the fall of Rome, the traditional Roman factions remained prominent in the Byzantine Empire and chariot racing went into decline only after the factions fought during the Nika riots in 532 which saw some thirty-thousand dead and half of Constantinople razed.  Faction, factioneer, factionist & factionalism are nouns, factionalize is a verb, factional & factionless are adjectives, factionally is an adverb, factionary is a noun & adjective, factionate is a verb & adjective; the noun plural is factions.

The use of the word to describe the literary device which blends facts with fiction faction is said to date from the late 1960s although some sources suggest it had earlier been used in discussions held in conferences and meetings but the most usual descriptor of such works was the earlier “non-fiction novel” which by the mid century (especially in the US) had become a popular (and in literary circles a fashionable) form although, as such, it was not originally directly related to post-modernism.  Critics trace the origins of the form to the years immediately after World War I (1914-1918) and distinguish the works produced then from earlier texts where there was some use of dubious material presented as “fact” in that in the twentieth century the author’s made their intent deliberate.

William Shakespeare (1564–1616) was well acquainted with the earthly lusts and frailties of men and in Coriolanus (1605-1608) act 5, scene 2, at the Volscian camp when Menenius is halted by sentries who refuse to allow him to see their generals he knew what to say though it did him little good.

First sentry: Faith, sir, if you had told as many lies in his behalf as you have uttered words in your own, you should not pass here; no, though it were as virtuous to lie as to live chastely. Therefore, go back.

Menenius: Prithee, fellow, remember my name is Menenius, always factionary on the party of your general.

Second sentry: Howsoever you have been his liar, as you say you have, I am one that, telling true under him, must say, you cannot pass.  Therefore, go back.

Menenius: Hath he dined, canst thou tell? for I would not speak with him till after dinner.

The Baader-Meinhof faction

Founded in 1970, the Rote Armee Fraktion (Red Army Faction (RAF)) was a left-wing, armed militant revolutionary group based in the Federal Republic of Germany (The FRG or West Germany (1949-1990)) which, for almost thirty years, undertook assassinations, kidnappings, robberies and bombings and although actually less active than some other terrorist cells, the RAF was better known and most influential in the early-mid 1970s.  The RAF was dissolved in 1998 although, in the nature of such things, some members continued to use their skills in criminal ventures including drug-trafficing as a form of revenue generation.  The RAF always used the word Fraktion, translated into English as faction.  The linguistic implications never pleased RAF members who thought themselves the embedded, military wing of the wider communist workers' movement, not a faction or splinter-group.  In this context the German doesn’t lend well to translation but closest single-word reflecting the RAF’s view is probably “section” or “squad”.  German journalist Stefan Aust (b 1946) also avoided the word, choosing Der Baader Meinhof Komplex (the  Baader-Meinhof Complex) as the title of his 2008 book because it better described how the organization operated.

Andreas Baader & Ulrike Meinhof

In the era they were active, a common descriptor in the English-speaking word was the Baader-Meinhof Group or Gang, named after two of its members Andreas Baader (1943–1977) and Ulrike Meinhof (1934-1976) and the media’s choice of “gang” or “group” may have reflected the desire of governments for the RAF to be depicted more as violent criminals and less as revolutionaries.  The popular press however certainly preferred Baader-Meinhof to RAF because of the drama of the story, Meinhof having been part of the gang which freed Baader from prison.  Both later killed themselves and, although they were never the star-cross'd lovers some journalists liked to suggest, it added to the romance and the Baader-Meinhof name survived their deaths and although the media, politicians and security agencies adopted the eponymous title, it was never used by the RAF.  In the tradition of Marxist collectives, the members regarded the RAF as a co-founded group of many members and not one either defined by or identified with two figureheads, apart from which, the dominant female of the group was actually Gudrun Ensslin (1940-1977).

Factionalism

Factionalism is probably inherent to the nature of organizations and it really needs only for a structure to have two members for a faction to form.  Factions can be based on ideology, geography, theology, personalities (and factions have been formed purely as vehicles of hatred for another) or just about basis and the names they adopt can be designed to denigrate (redneck faction), operate euphemistically (centre-left (just right wingers who didn’t want to admit it)) or indicate a place on the spectrum (left vs right, liberal vs conservative et al).  They can also be modified by those wishing to demonize (lunar-right, hard-right, religious right etc).  The labelling can also be linguistically productive  In the UK during the 1980s, “the wets” was an epithet applied within the Conservative Party to those who opposed the government’s hard line policies, on the model of the slang “a bit wet” to describe those though effete or lacking resolve.  The wets responded by labelling their detractors “the dries” to which they responded with “warm and dry”, words with positive associations in a cold and damp country.  The names constantly evolve because fissiparousness is in the nature of organizations.

Of human nature

Cady's Map by Janis Ian.

The human race does seem inherently fissiparousness and wherever cultures have formed, history suggests divisions will form and folk will tend to coalesce (or be allocated or otherwise forced) into factions.  Usually, this is attributed to some defined or discernible difference (ethnicity, skin color, language, tribal affiliation, religion et al) but even among homogeneous groups, it's rare to identify one without sub-groups.  It does seem human nature and has long since become institutionalized and labelling theory practitioners can probably now build minor academic careers just by tracking the segregation as it evolves (boomers, gen-X, millennials etc).  The faction names of the cliques at North Shore High School (Mean Girls, Paramount Pictures 2004)) were Actual Human Beings, Anti-Plastics, The Art Freaks, Asexual Band Geeks, Asian Nerds, Burnouts, Cheerleaders, Cool Asians, Desperate Wannabes, Freshmen, Girls Who Eat Their Feelings, J.V. Cheerleaders, J.V. Jocks, Junior Plastics, Preps, ROTC Guys, Sexually Active Band Geeks, The Plastics, Unfriendly Black Hotties, Unnamed Girls Who Don't Eat Anything, and Varsity Jocks.  Given the way sensitivities have evolved, it’s predictable some of those names wouldn’t today be used; the factions' membership rosters would be much the same but some terms are now proscribed in this context, the threshold test for racism now its mere mention, racialism banished to places like epidemiological research papers tracking the distribution of morbidity. 

The factions of the Anglican Church

Fissiparousness is much associated with the modern Church of England, factions of which some time ago mostly abandoned any interest in God or the message of Christ for the more important matters of championing or decrying gay clergy, getting women into or keeping them out of the priesthood, and talking to or ignoring Rome.  Among those resistant to anything beyond the medieval, there's even an institutional forum, the Global Anglican Future Conference (GAFCON) which holds meetings at which there is much intrigue and plotting; it's sort of an anti-Lambeth Conference though the cucumber sandwiches are said to be much the same.  Under the stresses inherent in the late twentieth-century, fissiparousness saw the Anglicans coalesce into three factions, the low & lazy, the broad & hazy and the high & crazy.

Overlaps in the Anglican Church factions

The Low & Lazy

Like the high churchers, the low lot still believe in God but, their time not absorbed plotting and scheming or running campaigns to stamp out gay clergy and opposing the ordination of women, they actually have time to pray, which they do, often.  The evangelical types come from among the low and don’t approve of fancy rituals, Romish ways or anything smelling of popery.  Instead, they like services where there’s clapping, dancing and what sounds like country & western music with sermons telling them it’s Godly to buy things like big TVs and surf-skis.

The Broad & Hazy

The broad church is more a club than a church, something like the Tory Party at prayer.  The parishioners will choose the church they (occasionally) attend on the same basis as their golf club, driving miles if need be to find a congregation acceptably free of racial and cultural diversity.  They’re interested not at all in theology or anything too abstract so sermons need to be brief and sufficiently vague to please the bourgeoisie.  The broad church stands for most things in general and nothing in particular; finding most disputes in Anglicanism baffling, they just can't see what all the fuss is about.

The High & Crazy

The high church has clergy who love dressing up like the Spice Girls, burning incense and chanting the medieval liturgy in Latin.  They disapprove of about everything that’s happened since the 1662 edition of the Book of Common Prayer and believe there’d be less sin were there still burnings at the stake.  Most high church clergy wish Pius IX (1792–1878; pope 1846-1878) still sat on the throne of Saint Peter and some act as though he does.

Logo

Logo (pronounced loh-goh)

(1) A graphic representation (a visual symbol) of a institutional name or trademark (occasionally called a logotype).

(2) In computing (as Logo), a high-level programming language widely used to teach children the foundation of coding.

(3) In printing, a logotype.

(4) An ensign, a badge of office, rank, or power (now mostly archaic except in formal use in some branches of the military.

(5) In scientific documents, a single graphic which contains one or more separate elements.

(6) As “sonic logo”, a sound or short melody associated with a brand and used in its advertising; a specific use of a jingle (the audio equivalent of a visually expressed logo).

(7) As Logo TV (spoken usually as “Logo”), a cable channel owned by Paramount Media Networks and originally focused on certain segments within the LGBTQQIAAOP community but now less specific.

1937: A clipping of logotype or logogram.  Logo was from the Ancient Greek λόγος (lógos) (translated usually as “word” but used (sometimes loosely) also in the sense of “speech, oration, discourse, quote, story, study, ratio, calculation, reason”).  As the prefix logo-, it operated as a combining form appearing in loanwords from Greek relating to “words, speech” (which produced forms such as logography) and the formation of new compound words (such as logotype).  A logogram is a character or symbol (usually non-alphanumeric but this is a practice rather than a definitional rule) which represents a word or phrase.  When used in the context of a word-game or puzzle, it should be styled as a logogriph.  In typography, a logotype is a single type combining two or more letters (the synonym being ligature (from the Middle English ligature, from the Middle French ligature, from the Late Latin ligātura, from the Classical Latin ligātus, past participle of ligāre (to tie, bind))) while in symbolism (usually but not necessarily commercial) it’s a symbol or emblem used as a trademark or a means of identification of an institution or other entity (the clipped form logo is almost universal in this context (and technically a synonym).  Logo is a noun; the noun plural is logos.

Lohanic logo: Lindsay Lohan’s corporate logo.

The IBM Logo

Good: The IBM logo in approved positive & reversed color schemes.

Known internally as the “8-bar”, the design of the IBM logo dates from 1972 and remains in its original form.  Despite the visual perception, the stripes alternate in height (the ratio being 11/10 or 10/11), something done to ensure they appear to be the same and whether the solid or the unfilled space is rendered larger depends on whether a light or dark background is used.  The other adjustment which is not immediately obvious is the variation in the points used in the counter shapes; the positive a sharp, the reversed more blunt.  The difference is too subtle to be noticed at a glance and again, is a designer’s technique to ensure optical integrity is maintained on both light & dark backgrounds.

Bad: Ways the IBM logo should not be deployed.

It’s apparently not an apocryphal tale there was a time when the only acceptable dress for men working for IBM was a blue suit and a white shirt.  That was relaxed but the rules regarding the use of the logo remain as stringent as ever and the preferred “core colors” come exclusively from the blue and gray families, the cautionary note added that while dark or light background colors both work well with the core colors, there must always be a minimum of five “steps” (the graduation of shades) between foreground and background colors to ensure an appropriate contrast and legibility. Any background color from the IDL color palette with sufficient contrast may be used with a core color 8-bar logo. Here are a few examples of possible color combinations.  Unapproved color combinations are banned as is the use of more than one color or any progression of gradients in the stripes.  Alignment is also specifically defined.  The 8-bar logo has both horizontal and vertical relationships with other objects (brand logotypes et al) which appear in the same image and the IBM logo is based on the cap height of the logotype or can scale larger by a defined ratio and must not be placed in containers of any shape.

Although the company traces it lineage to 1888 (by virtue of M&A activity), it was in 1924 the Computing-Tabulating-Recording Company (CTR) changed its name to International Business Machines (IBM) and the first logo used the whole name, stylized in the shape of a globe.  The present logo is an evolution of two earlier (1947 & 1956) designs which used solid text although the aspect ratios were essentially the same.

The logo you have when you’re not having a logo: McLaren MP4/4 (top) and Jordan EJ13 (bottom).  Around the turn of the century when Western governments began to extend the bans of print and television advertising for cigarettes to sporting sponsorship, the Formula One constructors found a loophole, removing the text while keeping the color schemes.  Semiotically, it worked well because Marlboro’s white chevron on a red background was so distinctive the message was conveyed even without the name.  Jordan, which ran with Benson & Hedges livery, changed the text to Be on Edge (BE(ns)ON (& H)EDGE(s) which was a nice touch.  The regulators amended their rules so outfits like fossil fuel companies took over the role.  They’ll be the next to be cancelled.

All publicity is good publicity: The Westinghouse logo on the hood of Caryl Chessman (1921–1960), gas chamber at San Quentin Prison, California, 2 May 1960.  The hoods were used to prevent the accumulation of cyanide particles in the hair.

Flak

Flak (pronounced flak)

(1) Ground-based anti-aircraft fire using explosive shells.

(2) In casual use, criticism; hostile reaction; abuse.

1938: From the German Flak (anti-aircraft gun), condensed from Fliegerabwehrkanone (literally "air defense gun"), the acronym deconstructed from Fl(ieger) + a(bwehr) + k(anone).  The sense of "anti-aircraft fire" became generalized in English from 1940 and the flak jacket is attested from 1956.  The metaphoric sense of "criticism" is American English circa 1963.  The synonym (and military verbal shorthand) is ack-ack, which appears to have developed independently in the German and allied military, the former using (from 1939) acht-acht (eight-eight) as an informal reference to the 88mm canon, the later being World War I (1914-1918) signalers' phonetic spelling of "AA".  Jargon has its own life and even after the NATO Phonetic Alphabet was standardized in 1956, ack-ack was so distinctive and well-known there was no suggestion it should be replaced by alpha-alpha. 

Lindsay Lohan in flak jacket.

The homophone flack (public relations spokesman) was first noted in US use in 1945, initially as a noun but, almost immediately became also a verb and it’s always had the sense of handling adverse criticism; if necessary by lying ("taking the flak" as it were).  The origin is murky; there’s a suggestion it was coined at entertainment industry magazine Variety but the first attested use was in another publication.  Flack was said to have emerged because of a coincidence in existence between flak being used to describe criticism (analogous with anti-aircraft fire) and a certain Mr Flack, said to be a public relations spokesman in the movie business but, given the accepted etymology, most regards this as an industry myth.

The 88mm Flak Canon

Panzer VI (Tiger Tank 1) with 88mm canon, Sicily, 1943.

The German 88 mm anti-aircraft canon was developed during the 1930s and was one of the most versatile and widely used weapons of World War II (1939-1945), deployed as field artillery, in anti-aircraft batteries, in ground assault and anti-tank roles and, on the larger tanks, as canon.  The naval 88, although the same caliber, was an entirely different weapon, dating from 1905.

88mm Flak Gun, Russia, 1941.

However, its stellar reputation belied to some extent, latter-day battlefield reality.  Like much mass-produced German weaponry of World War II, the 88 lost some of its comparative advantage as the allies’ quantitative and (with a few notable exceptions, especially in jet and rocket propulsion) qualitative superiority in materiel became apparent.  As an anti-aircraft gun, the Flak 88 needed high muzzle velocity to reach the altitudes at which bombers flew (20,000+ feet (6000+m)) and to achieve that the projectile itself was relatively small.  The high velocity made the Flak 88 a formidable anti-tank weapon, but did limit its effectiveness as field artillery.  Right to the end however, it remained a potent force wherever the terrain was suitable.

Zoo Flak Tower, Berlin, 1945.

One place the Flak 88s weren’t used was on the three huge concrete structures in Berlin called the Flak Towers.  Because the newer British and US bombers flew at higher altitudes, the bigger 128 mm canon was required.

The best known of the structures was the Berlin Zoo Flak Tower (Flakturm Tiergarten), the construction of which was induced by the Royal Air Force’s (RAF) first bombing raids on the city in August 1940.  Even by the standards of the time, these attacks were small-scale and of no obvious military value but, like the raid on Tokyo staged by the US in 1942 and the seemingly quixotic cross-border incursions by forces of indeterminate origin probing Russia’s “special military operation”, they compelled a disproportionately large re-allocation of civilian and military resources.  Early in the war, Hermann Göring (1893–1946; leading Nazi 1922-1945 and Reichsmarschall 1940-1945) in his capacity as head of the air force (Luftwaffe) had been asked if the industrial Ruhr was at risk of being bombed and he assured the nation: “No enemy bomber can reach the Ruhr… if one reaches the Ruhr, my name is not Göring. You can call me Meyer.”  The Reichsmarschall might have believed his own publicity but the RAF did not though few in 1940 thought the more distant Berlin was vulnerable and the first raids, pin-pricks though they were compared with what was to come, embarrassed the Nazi hierarchy and convinced Adolf Hitler (1889-1945; German head of government 1933-1945 & head of state 1934-1945) to fear that ominous mantra of the 1930s: “The bomber will always get through”.

Accordingly, needing to retain popular support and well aware of the capital’s lack of air-raid shelters (though the leading Nazis and their families were well provided for), the Führer ordered the construction of huge anti-aircraft gun towers, the designs submitted for his approval as early as the following March.  Construction began immediately and the first, the Berlin Zoo Flak Tower, was made operational within months and in its massiveness was entirely typical of the architectural practices of the Third Reich.  Reflecting Hitler’s preferences, it was rendered in a neo-Romantic style and any medieval soldier would have recognized it as a fortress, albeit one on a grand scale.  It gained its name by virtue of its proximity to the municipal zoo and the term “tower” was a rare instance of modesty of expression during the Nazi era.  The reinforced concrete structure was as tall as a 13-story building with a 70 x 70 m (230 x 230 feet) footprint and in addition to the flak guns on the roof, it housed an 85-bed hospital, extensive storage space for art works & cultural artifacts as well as the capacity to provide shelter for some 15,000 people (a number greatly exceeded later in the war when the raids became both frequent and severe.

The installed armament was a battery of four 128 mm (5 inch) twin Flak mounts, augmented by 20 mm (¾ inch) and 37-mm (1½ inch) guns on lower platforms, the sides of the tower 8 m (26 feet) thick, the roof 5 m (16 feet).  The versatility of the design was proven when in 1945 the city was under assault by the Red Army and the big guns were deployed at low angle, proving highly effective as tank destroyers and according to the estimates of both sides, delaying the entry of Soviet troops by almost two weeks.  Even then, after the city had been occupied and the surrender negotiated, the Germans remained in control of the tower, the thick walls having withstood all attacks.  After the war, it proved difficult to demolish and it was only in 1948, after several attempts and over 100 tons of explosives that finally it was razed, the land eventually returned to the Berlin Zoo.

Greenline

Greenline (pronounced green-lahyn)

(1) In Lebanon, a demarcation line which divided predominantly Christian East Beirut and the predominantly Muslim West Beirut, described during the civil war (1975-1990).

(2) In Cyprus, a demarcation line which divides the island between the Greek (south) and Turkish Cypriots (north), passing through the capital, Nicosia and described in 1974.

(3) In France, a demarcation line which divided the nation between the Nazi-occupied north (Zone nord) and the nominally independent (Vichy) south (Zone libre) and operative between 1940-1942 when the south was occupied and renamed Zone sud (Zone south) until the liberation of France in 1944.

(4) In Israel, the Armistice border, described in 1949 and following essentially the line of demarcation between the military forces of Israel and Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon & Syria at the conclusion of the 1948 Arab–Israeli War.  It served as the de facto borders of the State of Israel between 1949 and the Six-Day War (1967).

(5) Any similar demarcation line between two hostile communities.

(6) To ease access to services to residents in specific areas, particularly by designating such areas as suitable for real-estate lending and property insurance.

1942 (the first generally acknowledged use in this context): The construct was green +‎ line (and also used commonly as green-line & green line and often with an initial capital).  The noun green was from the Middle English adjective grene, from the Northumbrian groene (green in the sense of the color of healthy, living plants which were growing & vigorous and used figuratively also to convey the meaning "freshly cut" or (of wood) “unseasoned”), from the earlier groeni, from the Old English grēne, from the Proto-West Germanic grōnī, from the Proto-Germanic grōniz, from the primitive Indo-European ghre- (to grow) and was related to the North Frisian green, the West Frisian grien, the Dutch groen, the Low German grön, green & greun, the German grün, the Danish & Norwegian Nynorsk grøn, the Swedish grön, the Norwegian Bokmål grønn and the Icelandic grænn.  The Proto -Germanic grōni- was the source also of the Old Saxon grani, the Old Frisian grene, the Old Norse grænn and the Old High German gruoni.  Line was from the Middle English line & lyne, from the Old English līne (line, cable, rope, hawser, series, row, rule, direction), from the Proto-West Germanic līnā, from the Proto-Germanic līnǭ (line, rope, flaxen cord, thread), from the Proto-Germanic līną (flax, linen), from the primitive Indo-European līno- (flax).  It was influenced in Middle English by Middle French ligne (line), from the Latin linea.  Greenline & greenlining are nouns & verbs, greenliner is a noun, greenlined is a verb & adjective; the noun plural is greenlines.

Green lines: Lindsay Lohan in Inhabit striped tie-back tube-top with Linea Pelle braided belt.

Around the planet, there have been many “Greenlines”, “Green Lines” and “Green-Lines”, the term often applied to rail-transport corridors, shipping companies and the boundary lines of spaces designated as “green”, usually in the context of environmental protection.  However, the best recognized use is now probably that from geopolitics where a “greenline” is a line described on a map to draw a demarcation between two hostile communities.  Such lines have existed for centuries, formally and informally but the first use of the term is generally thought to be the line drawn in 1940 which divided France between the Nazi-occupied north (Zone nord) and the nominally independent (Vichy) south (Zone libre).  It was operative between 1940-1942 when the south was occupied and renamed Zone sud (Zone south) and that arrangement lasted until the liberation of France in 1944.  It’s not known what the color was on the line originally drawn but the one which reached the Foreign Ministry in Berlin for approval was green and still exists in the US national archives.

The Cyprus Greenline.

In the troubled decades since, there have been many green lines and one of the best known is also illustrative of some of the phenomena associated with the concept.  Since 1974, after a conflict which was the culmination of years of disputes, the island of Cyprus has been divided by a Greenline, the self-declared Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (the TRNC, recognized only by Republic of Türkiye) to the north and the Greek dominated Republic of Cyprus to the south.  The Greenline extends from east to west for 180 km (120 miles) and is a United Nations (UN) controlled buffer zone separating the two and constitutes almost 3% of the land mass.  The 1974 Greenline was actually an outgrowth, dictated by necessity, of a line drawn some ten years earlier in the capital, Nicosia, in response to communal violence and at certain places in the densely populated ancient city of Nicosia, the it’s now just a few metres across while at its widest point, it stretches 7.4 km (4.6 miles).  In most aspects of public administration the northern and southern zones function as separate states although during periods there is a remarkable degree of cooperation and a pragmatic sense of what it’s possible profitably to do without disturbing the status quo.  However, even at times of high stress, both sides continue to administer shared essential services, notably Nicosia’s sewerage system, the rationale being “you just can’t separate shit”.

A section of the Greenline which bisects Nicosia.

One thing the buffer zone has achieved is the creation of a significant wildlife refuge for many species and, like the exclusion zone declared after the meltdown at the Chernobyl nuclear power-plant in 1986, it has provided a habitat almost unique in Europe, its residents including the threatened Egyptian fruit bat, the endangered Mouflon sheep, the bee orchid, the Cyprus spiny mouse and the Eurasian thick-knee, a dwindling species of shorebird also known as a stone-curlew; all have multiplied in their new home.  Surveys have revealed the space has also become an important stopover and staging area for the migratory birds which use Cyprus during their spring and fall flights, buzzards, ospreys, harriers and the Northern lapwing (long in decline in Europe) all regular visitors.  Being a buffer zone, humans are excluded from the area but there are moves to extend environmental protection to the fragile areas directly beyond the borders as part of a plan to develop ecotourism and agritourism, producing and marketing “green” food from the area.  However, environmental awareness among Cypriots remains patchy and illegal dumping and poaching within the buffer zone remains prevalent.

The Museum of Barbarism, 2 Sehit Murruvet Ilhan Sok. Kumsal, Nicosia, Cyprus.

The Museum of Barbarism lies on the Turkish side of Nicosia just across a border crossing on the Greenline.  Essentially a static installation, frozen in both time and place, it's said to remain in almost exactly the same state as it was was found on Christmas Day, 1974.  The provided narrative states that on 24 December, Greek Cypriot irregulars forcibly entered the house of Dr Ilhan, a Major in the Turkish army who was that night on duty and in another place.  It's claimed the Doctor's wife, three children and a neighbor were killed by machine gun fire, six others seriously injured.