Objectum

Objectum (pronounced ob-jikt-tum or ob-jekt-tum)

(1) In the categorization of human sexuality (also as object sexuality or objectophilia), a form of interest focused on one or a number of particular inanimate objects.  It must not be confused with sexual objectification.

(2) In philosophy, a now mostly obsolete descriptor of that towards which cognition is directed, as contrasted with the thinking subject; anything regarded as external to the mind, especially in the external world.

Pre 1000:  From the Medieval Latin objectum (something thrown down or presented (to the mind)), noun use of the neuter of objectus (past participle of objicere) from obicere, the construct being ob- (against; facing (a combining prefix found in verbs of Latin origin)) + jec- (combining form of jacere (to throw)) + -tus (past participle suffix) and a gloss of the Ancient Greek ἀντικείμενον (antikeímenon).  From this Middle English gained objecten (to argue against), from the Middle French objecter & objeter from the Latin objectāre (to throw or put before, oppose) and later (circa 1325-1375), the more familiar object (something perceived, purpose, objection).  The sense of object describing a “tangible and visible thing” emerged in the late fourteenth century from the Old French object and directly from Medieval Latin obiectum (thing put before (the mind or sight)).  Objectum is a noun & adjective and objectism is a noun; the noun plural is objectums. 

The O in LGBTQQIAAOP

Objectum Sexuality (OS) and objectum romanticism (OR), both often clipped to "objectum", is the attraction to inanimate objects, a feeling which can be sexual, romantic or both and can be a form of tertiary attraction.  The objects to which an objectum individual is attracted are often called "beloved objects" and not infrequently have names and personalities given to them by their objectum lover.  Beloved objects have included buildings, light fittings, bridges, cars, statues, fences, water, musical instruments, articles of clothing, and amusement park rides although objects do not have to be tangible and can include logos or letters, thus the linking by some psychiatrists to synesthesia.  Some objectum people are poly-amorous, dedicated to many objects, some are devoted to a single thing and both may either be also attracted to people or drawn exclusively to objects.  Objectum sexuality is different from a sexual paraphilia as a paraphilia does not imply a devoted personal relationship, feeling mutual and reciprocal attraction, and usually does not include animistic beliefs.  Academic work has developed a spectrum defining the differences between object fetishism and objectum orientation, the most interesting interactions presumably at the margins.

The modern, somewhat opportunistic, adoption of objectum by the OS/OR community wasn’t widely embraced by the medical profession which preferred first objectophilia and later, object sexuality although, in American psychiatry, prior to the publication of the American Psychiatric Association's (APA) Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), objectophilia was regarded as just another example of "psychopathic personality with pathologic sexuality".  The DSM-I (1952) included sexual deviation as a personality disorder of a sociopathic subtype although objectophilia attracted little professional interest, probably, and quite reasonably, because the “victims” were inanimate.  The DSM-II (1968) and subsequent DSM editions, up to DSM-IV-TR (2000) continued this neglect of the topic, DSM-IV-TR noting a paraphilia is not diagnosable as a psychiatric disorder unless it causes distress to the individual or harm to others.  The DSM-5 (2013) formalised this approach, both the definitional and clinical distinctions now focused on harm to individuals rather than deviations from defined norms.

Some objects are so beautiful, people fall in love.  Ferruccio Lamborghini (1916-1993) gazing at the Lamborghini Miura (1963-1973), Sant’Agata, Italy, 1966.

The Lamborghini Miura first appeared (without the bodywork) at the 1965 Turin Motor Show when a rolling chassis was displayed, the packaging intriguing knowing onlookers, the mid-mounted transverse V12 engine the highlight of what was clearly a revolutionary design though even at the time, engineers speculated about how layout would affect its driving characteristics.  The interest at Turin however was nothing like the reaction the following year when the Miura was displayed at the Geneva Salon.  It had been at Geneva half-a-decade earlier when the Jaguar E-Type (1961-1974) had created such a sensation but while the E-Type was the final stylistic evolution of the classic 1930s-1950s roadster, the Miura was a glimpse of the future, the influence of its lines seen still in the hypercars of the twenty first century.  Built in three distinct versions, the factory introduced changes designed to ameliorate some of the characteristics induced by the physics of unusual layout and while the behavior (exhibited at the very high speed of which it was capable) was to some extent tamed, a Miura at the limits was never something predictable in the manner of contemporary front-engined Ferraris.  None of that now much matters because the Miura is achingly beautiful and were it not contrary to the laws of man and God, there would be those who would marry one.

Flag of the Objectum movement.

In the spirit of the rainbow banner which began as the symbol of the gay liberation movement (though it's now used generally by a number of the sub-sets in the LGBTQQIAAOP aggregation), the objectum community has its own flag.  Blue represents physical objects, whether man-made or nature based; gray references abstract or non-tangible inanimate objects; yellow is eye catching and bright, representing public objects; purple is muted and calming, representing personal objects; white represents the animistic belief held by many of the OS & OR; the red circle represents the objectum community and is filled in with the flag’s core color of white to represent the spirit the objectum sense in their beloved objects.

A tactile relationship: Mr & Mrs Eiffel.

Erika Eiffel (b 1972, née LaBrie) was probably the woman who brought objectum sexuality to a wider (if not wholly receptive) audience when in 2008 the documentary Married to the Eiffel Tower appeared online.  It "celebrated" a long-term relationship which dated back a decade although Mrs Eiffel changed her surname only in 2007 after a commitment ceremony and she heads Objectum Sexuality Internationale (OSI), a 400-strong association of object-oriented individuals.  The documentary would have been more interesting had it not focused on the least interesting aspects of OS & OR: The sexual nature of the relationships and the notion the inclination is a quest for control attributable to prior abuse and mental illness.

Just good friends: Lindsay Lohan in polka dots with la tour Eiffel, Paris Fashion Week, 2019.

Being click-bait, that was of course as inevitable as the ferocity of the reaction but whatever the feelings of YouTube viewers, the profession has moved on and for some time has not diagnosed objectum sexuality as a psychiatric disorder and both the definitional and clinical distinctions now focus on harm to individuals rather than deviations from defined norms.  The basis for the change in view appears to be that OS & OR should be thought of as just another fork of the human condition, the logical (if not commonly pursued) conclusion for those (like Henry Ford (1863-1947) and others) happy to admit they are at their most content when alone with a machine.  That was certainly Mrs Eiffel’s profile.  A world-class recurve archer, while never attracted to romantic associations with people in her lifetime there have been many significant relationships with inanimate objects including a Japanese sword, her archery bows, a bridge, machinery she’s operated and of course, la tour Eiffel.

Velvet

Velvet (pronounced vel-vit)

(1) A fabric fashioned from silk with a thick, soft pile formed of loops of the warp thread either cut at the outer end or left uncut.

(2) In modern use, a fabric emulating in texture and appearance the silk original and made from nylon, acetate, rayon etc, sometimes having a cotton backing.

(3) Something likened to the fabric velvet, an allusion to appearance, softness or texture,

(4) The soft, deciduous covering of a growing antler.

(5) In informal use (often as “in velvet” or “in the velvet”), a very pleasant, luxurious, desirable situation.

(6) In slang, money gained through gambling; winnings (mostly US, now less common).

(7) In financial trading, clear gain or profit, especially when more than anticipated; a windfall profit.

(8) In mixology, as “Black Velvet”, a cocktail of champagne & stout (also made with dark, heavy beers).

(9) A female chinchilla; a sow.

(10) An item of clothing made from velvet (in modern use also of similar synthetics).

(11) In drug slang, the drug dextromethorphan.

(12) To cover something with velvet; to cover something with something of a covering of a similar texture.

(13) In cooking, to coat raw meat in starch, then in oil, preparatory to frying.

(14) To remove the velvet from a deer's antlers.

1275–1325: From the Middle English velvet, velwet, veluet, welwet, velvette, felwet veluet & veluwet, from the Old Occitan veluet, from the Old French veluotte, from the Medieval Latin villutittus or villūtus (literally shaggy cloth), from the classical Latin villus (nap of cloth, shaggy hair, tuft of hair), from velu (hairy) and cognate with French velours.  The Latin villus is though probably a dialectal variant of vellus (fleece), from the primitive Indo-European wel-no-, a suffixed form of uelh- (to strike).  Velvet is a noun, verb & adjective, velvetlike & velvety are adjectives, velveting & velveted are verbs & adjective; the noun plural is velvets.

The noun velveteen was coined in 1776 to describe one of first the imitation (made with cotton rather than silk) velvets commercially to be marketed at scale; the suffix –een was a special use of the diminutive suffix (borrowed from the Irish –in (used also –ine) which was used to form the diminutives of nouns in Hiberno-English).  In commercial use, it referred to products which were imitations of something rather than smaller.  The adjective velvety emerged in the early eighteenth century, later augmented by velvetiness.  In idiomatic use, the “velvet glove” implies someone or something is being treated with gentleness or caution.  When used as “iron fist in a velvet glove”, it suggests strength or determination (and the implication of threat) behind a gentle appearance or demeanor.  “Velvet” in general is often applied wherever the need exists to covey the idea of “to soften; to mitigate” and is the word used when a cat retracts its claws.  The adjective “velvety” can be used of anything smooth and the choice between it and forms like “buttery”, “silky”, “creamy” etc is just a matter of the image one wishes to summon.  The particular instance “Velvet Revolution” (Sametová revoluce in Czech) refers to the peaceful transition of power in what was then Czechoslovakia, occurring from in late 1989 in the wake of the fall of Berlin Wall.  Despite being partially in the Balkans, the transition from communism to democracy was achieved almost wholly without outbreaks of violence (in the Balkans it rare for much of note to happen without violence).

Ten years after: Lindsay Lohan in black velvet, London, January 2013 (left) and in pink velour tracksuit, Dubai, January 2023 (right).

The fabrics velvet and velour can look similar but they differ in composition.  Velvet historically was made with silk thread and was characterized by a dense pile, created by the rendering of evenly distributed loops on the surface.  There are now velvets made from cotton, polyester or other blends and its construction lends it a smooth, plush texture appearance, something often finished with a sheen or luster.  A popular modern variation is “crushed velvet”, achieved by twisting the fabric while wet which produces a crumpled and crushed look although the effect can be realized also by pressing the pile of fabric in a different direction.  It’s unusual in that object with most fabric is to avoid a “crumpled” look but crushed velvet is admired because of the way it shimmers as the light plays upon the variations in the texture.  The crushing process doesn’t alter the silky feel because of the dense pile and the fineness of the fibers.  Velour typically is made from knit fabrics such as cotton or polyester and is best known for its stretchiness which makes its suitable for many purposes including sportswear and upholstery.  Except in some specialized types, the pile is less dense than velvet (a consequence of the knitted construction) and while it can be made with a slight shine, usually the appearance tends to be matte.  Velour is used for casual clothing, tracksuits & sweatshirts and it’s hard-wearing properties mean it’s often used for upholstery and before the techniques emerged to permit vinyl to be close to indistinguishable from leather, it was often used by car manufacturers as a more luxurious to vinyl.  The noun velour (historically also as velure & velours) dates from 1706 and was from the French velours (velvet), from the Old French velor, an alteration of velos (velvet) from the same Latin sources as “velvet”.

US and European visions of luxury: 1974 Cadillac Fleetwood Talisman in velour (top left), 1977 Chrysler New Yorker Brougham in leather (top right), 1978 Mercedes-Benz 450 SEL 6.9 in velour (bottom left) & 1979 Mercedes-Benz 450 SEL 6.9 in leather (bottom right).  Whether in velour or leather, the European approach in the era was more restrained. 

In car interiors, the golden age of velour began in the US in the early 1970s and lasted almost two decades, the increasingly plush interiors characterized by tufting and lurid colors.  Chrysler in the era made a selling point of their “rich, Corinthian leather” but the extravagant velour interiors were both more distinctive and emblematic of the era, the material stretching sometimes from floor to roof (the cars were often labeled “Broughams”).  The dismissive phrase used of the 1970s was “the decade style forgot” and that applied to clothes and interior decorating but the interior designs Detroit used on their cars shouldn’t be forgotten and while the polyester-rich cabins (at the time too, on the more expensive models one’s feet literally could sink into the deep pile carpet) were never the fire-risk comedians claimed, many other criticisms were justified.  Cotton-based velour had for decades been used by the manufacturers but the advent of mass-produced, polyester velour came at a time when “authenticity” didn’t enjoy the lure of today and the space age lent the attractiveness of modernity to plastics and faux wood, faux leather and faux velvet were suddenly an acceptable way to “tart up” the otherwise ordinary.  At the top end of the market, although the real things were still sometimes used, even in that segment soft, pillowy, tufted velour was a popular choice.

1989 Cadillac Fleetwood Brougham D'Elegance in velour (left) and a "low-rider" in velour (right).  The Cadillac is trimmed in a color which in slang came to be known as "bordello red".  Because of changing tastes, manufacturers no longer build cars with interiors which resemble a caricature of a mid-priced brothel but the tradition has been maintained (and developed) by the "low-rider" community, a sub-culture with specific tastes. 

At the time, the interiors were thought by buyers to convey “money” and the designers took to velour because the nature of the material allowed so many techniques cheaply to be deployed.  Compared with achieving a similar look in leather, the cost was low, the material cost (both velour and the passing underneath or behind) close to marginal and the designers slapped on pleats, distinctive (and deliberately obvious) stitching and extra stuffing, the stuff covering seats, door panels, and headliners, augmented with details like tufting (recessed) buttons, grab-handles and chrome accent pieces (often anodized plastic).  By the 1980s, velour had descended to the lower-priced product lines and this was at a time when the upper end of the market increasingly was turning to cars from European manufacturers, notably Mercedes-Benz and BMW, both of which equipped almost all their flagships destined for the US market with leather and real wood although the cloth was more common in Europe.

The Velvet Underground with Nico (Christa Päffgen; 1938–1988) while part of Andy Warhol’s (1928-1987) multimedia road-show The Exploding Plastic Inevitable (1966-1967 and known briefly as “The Erupting Plastic Inevitable” or The Exploding Plastic Invisible).  Unusually, the acronym EPI never caught on.

The (posthumously) influential US rock band The Velvet Underground gained their name from a book with that title, published in 1963, the year before their original formation although it wouldn’t be until 1965 the band settled on the name.  The book was by journalist Michael Leigh (1901-1963) and it detailed the variety of “aberrant sexual practices” in the country and is notable as one of the first non-academic texts to explore what was classified as paraphilia (the sexual attraction to inanimate objects, now usually called Objectum Sexuality (OS) or objectum romanticism (OR) (both often clipped to "objectum")).  Leigh took a journalistic approach to the topic which focused on what was done, by whom and the ways and means by which those with “aberrant sexual interests” achieved and maintained contact.  The author little disguised his distaste for much about what he wrote.  The rock band’s most notable output came in four albums (The Velvet Underground & Nico (1967), White Light/White Heat (1968), The Velvet Underground (1969) & Loaded (1970)) which enjoyed neither critical approval nor commercial success but by the late 1970s, in the wake of punk and the new wave, their work was acknowledged as seminal and their influence has been more enduring than many which were for most of the late twentieth century more highly regarded.

Digisexual & Fictosexual

Digisexual (pronounced dij-i-sek-shoo-uhl (U) or dij-I-seks-yoo-l (non-U))

(1) A person who is sexually attracted to robots or other technologically-mediated forms of sexuality.

(2) The predilection to or the practice of digisexuality.

Circa 2017: The construct was digi(tal)- +‎ -sexual.  The digi- prefix was from the Latin digitālis, the construct being digitus (finger, toe) + -alis (-al), the third-declension two-termination suffix (neuter -āle) used to form adjectives of relationship from nouns or numerals).  Originally vested with the meanings “having to do with digits (fingers or toes)” & performed with a finger etc, it came to be applied to computing in the sense of “property of representing values as discrete, often binary, numbers rather than a continuous spectrum”, the link being the used of base-10 mathematics and the ten (fingers & thumbs) digits of a human’s hands.

Sexual was from Latin sexuālis, from sexus (sex), from the Proto-Italic seksus, from the primitive Indo-European séksus, from sek- (to cut) (thus the sense of “section, division”, the binary division into male and female).  The generalized meaning “arising from the fact of being male or female; pertaining to sex or gender, or to the social relations between the sexes” dates from the seventeenth century, the specific use in the biological sciences (capable of sexual reproduction; sexed, sexuate) not current until the mid-1800s although the familiar sense “pertaining to sexual intercourse or other intimate physical contact was common a century earlier.  The meaning “pertaining to the female sex” is noted by etymologists as enjoying currency only between the seventeenth & nineteenth century and being obsolete but a specific sense did survive as a literary device, the novelist Anaïs Nin (1903–1977) often using the phrase “my sex” to refer to her own genitals.

In some sense, what is now understood as digisexuality may have been around for a while but the neologism was coined in 2017 (there are references to some use of the term in 2014) to describe people for whom the primary and preferred sexual identity and experience of sex would be mediated by or conducted with some form of technology.  Interestingly, the researchers who authored the paper (Sexual and Relationship Therapy 32(1):1-11 (November 2017) by Neil McArthur & Markie L C Twist (Blumer)) positioned their concept as predictive, noting that while “radical new sexual technologies” which accommodated what they termed “digisexualities” already existed, it was advances in the technology which would see a growth in the numbers who would come to identify themselves as digisexuals, those whose primary sexual identity comes through the use of technology.  In one sense it was just an aspect of applied technology, much of the hardware and software a specific adaptation of developments in robotics for fields as diverse as the military, production line assembly and aged care but the social, legal, and ethical implications were many, including the need for clinicians working in mental health to become familiar with the challenges and benefits associated with the adoption of such sexual technologies.

Legal issues involving the representation of some of the machinery recently produced have been publicized by law enforcement bodies but one ethical matter which may in the future emerge is that of consent.  A Google software engineer who describes himself as a “Christian mystic” was recently placed on administrative leave after claiming LaMDA (language model for dialogue applications, a Google artificial intelligence (AI) chatbot on which he was working) had become sentient.  The engineer’s posts on the matter indicated he used sentient in one of its more modern senses (possessing human-like awareness and intelligence) rather than the traditional "experiencing sensation, thought, or feeling; able consciously to perceive through the use of sense faculties; self-aware”.  LaMDA is computer code running on a distributed machine made from silicon, metals, plastics and such.  The code was written by humans and, even if some was self-generated by the machine, the parameters within which that’s possible were also human-defined and the consensus remains that such an agglomeration cannot become sentient; there’s no reason why it could not attain a capability to appear sentient to those with which it interacts but that’s different from being sentient.  It’s a convincing emulation which many computer scientists have for some time predicted is inevitable although not all agree all people can be fooled all of the time.

Digi & ficto sexuality can interact with objectum sexuality.  Individuals may form relationships with non-living devices or concepts but it's not impossible a court may one day find such things have certain enforceable rights although given the real-world implications attached to individuals interacting with AI bots, legal developments are more likely to focus on protecting the users (in a sense, "from themselves").

A digisexual relationship with something like LaMDA, although something which may be a matter of concern for some reasons, seems not to raise the issue of consent; LaMDA is a machine and can only appear to grant or withhold consent although there will be those who find disturbing the notion of someone performing a digisexual act on a machine which has said no.  Whether this is any worse than first-person shooter games isn’t clear but it’s certainly something which will attract more attention, sex seemingly more upsetting than violence.  However, there’s much interest in bio-computing (computers which use biological molecules (DNA, proteins etc)) to augment the traditional silicon-based platform.  At that point, the machine becomes in some way alive with the possibilities that implies and, although such a device remains hypothetical, it may be it become possible to create a machine with a brain (as conventionally understood).  At that point the right of a machine to say no presumably might become an issue and one which courts may have to discuss.  While a US court recently ruled a elephant can’t at law be a person a New Zealand court decided personhood could be conferred on a river.  How a court would deal with a machine which claims to have been violated is not predictable and may vary between jurisdictions.

Fictosexual (pronounced fik-toh-sek-shoo-uhl (U) or fik-toh-seks-yoo-l (non-U))

An identity for someone for whom the primary form of sexual attraction is fictional characters.

Circa 2014: The construct was fict(i)o(n) + sexual.  Ficto was a clipping of fiction, from the Middle English ficcioun, from the Old French ficcion (dissimulation, ruse, invention), from the Latin fictiō (a making, fashioning, a feigning, a rhetorical or legal fiction), from fingō (to form, mold, shape, devise, feign). It displaced the native Old English lēasspell (literally “false story”).

Sexual was from Latin sexuālis, from sexus (sex), from the Proto-Italic seksus, from the primitive Indo-European séksus, from sek- (to cut) (thus the sense of “section, division”, the binary division into male and female).  The generalized meaning “arising from the fact of being male or female; pertaining to sex or gender, or to the social relations between the sexes” dates from the seventeenth century, the specific use in the biological sciences (capable of sexual reproduction; sexed, sexuate) not current until the mid-1800s although the familiar sense “pertaining to sexual intercourse or other intimate physical contact was common a century earlier.

Flag of the fictosexual.

The black and grey stripes represent the lack of attraction towards non-fictional individuals, the purple stripe represents sexual attraction and the asexual spectrum, the black circle represents a portal to the fictional world in question, and pink represents attraction to fictional characters.

Fictosexuality (fictoromance & fictophilia are related) is an umbrella term for anyone who experience sexual attraction toward fictional characters, a general type of fictional characters, or whose sexuality is influenced by fictional characters.  As a noted behavior in mental illnesses with a delusional component, there’s doubtless a long history but the word seems first to have come into use circa 2014 but none of the documents which discuss fictosexuality appear to address the technical point of the status of the fictional depiction of a historic character.  Like digisexuality, fictosexuality is not dissimilar to Objectum sexuality, a condition in which people have a primary interest in objects.  The categories included under the fictosexual umbrella are not mutually exclusive and definitional overlap is noted:

Animesexuality: An exclusive attraction to anime.

Cartosexual: An attraction to cartoon or comic characters.

Booklosexual: An attraction to the characters in novels.

Visualnovelsexual: An attraction to the characters in visual novels.

Gamosexual: An attraction to the characters in video games.

Imagisexual: An attraction to fictional characters one can never see (book, audio characters etc).

Inreasexual: An attraction to characters from live-active genres.

OCsexual: An attraction to original characters.

Teratosexual: An attraction to monster-related characters.

Tobusexual: An attraction to vampire-related characters.

Spectrosexual: An attraction to ghost-related characters.

Nekosexual: An attraction to neko-related characters (usually in anime).

Anuafsexual: An attraction to other animal and human hybrid characters.

Multifictino: A mix of exclusive fictional attraction.

Aliussexual: An attraction for fictionkin; the attraction to fictional characters from their source.

Fictosexual Akihiko Kondo san with Hatsune Miku san doll.

Advances in materials, computer processing and software mean that fictosexuals can now allow their love to manifest digisexually though such relationships are not without their ups and downs.  Fictosexual Akihiko Kondo san (b 1984), a employee of Tokyo’s local government (and self-described otaku (one who is obsessed with something, especially Manga or anime)), had for ten years maintained a fictosexual relationship with Hatsune Miku san, depicted in pop culture as a 16-year-old with turquoise hair before their (unofficial) wedding ceremony in 2018.  The wedding was, by Japanese standards, a modest affair on which Kondo san spent about 2 million yen (US$14,750) but his family, not approving of the computer-synthesized, pop singer bride, choose not to attend although several dozen others, including other fictosexuals, witnessed the ceremony.  Unfortunately, although still deeply in love with Miku san, he finds himself now unable to communicate with his wife because support for the Gatebox (a US$1000 device which enabled owners interact with holograms) has been dropped.  It was through the Gatebox that in 2017 Kondo san proposed marriage and after he popped the question, she replied "I hope you'll cherish me."

Kondo san with Miku san hologram with Gatebox connectvity.

Miku san was created as a synthesised voice using Yamaha’s Vocaloid technology and entered mainstream media as a fictionalised human character in Manga, anime series and video games.  Her appeal cut across many demographics and proved cross-cultural, joining Lady Gaga on her 2014 Artpop Ball tour.  Kondo san first became acquainted with Miku san in 2008 while suffering depression after being bullied at work and the presence in his life proved therapeutic, bring him acceptance that human relationships were not right for him and spending days at a time in his room watching Miku san videos saw the relationship blossom.  Since oral communication became impossible, Kondo san carries with him a life-sized Miku san doll.

Hatsune Miku san, texting and resting.

Gay

Gay (pronounced gey)

(1) Of a happy and sunny disposition (now rare except for historic references although "gay" is sometimes used in this sense when some mischievous ambiguity is sought); festive, bright or colourful.

(2) Given to or abounding in social or other pleasures; sexually promiscuous (of any gender although also often linked with prostitution (probably obsolete except for historic references).

(3) Of relating to, or exhibiting sexual desire or behavior directed toward a person or persons of one's own sex (homosexual); technically gender and sex-neutral but use tends now to be restricted to males.

(4) Of, indicating or supporting same-sex interests or issues.

(5) Slang term among certain classes of youth for something thought bad or lame; use now frowned upon in polite society.

(6) Quick, fast (obsolete).

(7) Of a dog's tail, upright or curved over the back.

(8) Considerable, great, large in number, size or degree (in dialects in Scotland and northern England and probably obsolete, some etymologists noting that the further north it was use, the more common spelling appears to have been "gey").

1275-1325: From the Middle English gay, from the Old French gai (joyful, laughing, merry), usually thought to be a borrowing of Old Occitan gai (impetuous, lively), from the Gothic gaheis (impetuous), merging with earlier Old French jai (merry) and Frankish gāhi, both from the Proto-Germanic ganhuz and ganhwaz (sudden).  Origin was the primitive geng or ǵhengnh (to stride, step”), from ǵēy or ghey (to go), cognate.  Word was cognate with Dutch gauw (fast, quickly) and the Westphalian Low German gau and gai (fast, quick) which became the German jäh (abrupt, sudden), familiar in the Old High German gāhi.  There is alternative view, promoted by Anatoly Liberman, that the Old French gai was actually a native development from the Latin vagus (wandering, inconstant, flighty) as in French gaine (sheath).  The meaning "full of joy, merry; light-hearted, carefree" existed from the beginning but "wanton, lewd, lascivious (though without any suggestion of homosexuality) had emerged at least by 1630 and some claim it can be traced back to the work of English poet Geoffrey Chaucer (circa 1344-1400).  The word gay has had various senses dealing with sexual conduct since the seventeenth century. Then, a gay woman was a prostitute, a gay house a brothel and, a gay man was a womanizer.

Irregular forms like gaydar or gaynessness are coined as required but in many cases, use of some outside the gay (or in certain cases the the broader LGBTQQIAAOP community) is socially proscribed.  There are at least dozens (and likely hundreds) of derived words and terms in which “gay” (in the sense of sexual orientation) appears, some positive, some neutral and some negative.  Use is highly nuanced and, as an example, if used of joyfulness, the comparative “gayer” & superlative “gayest” conveys the expected effect but if in the context of gay people, the meaning range can be wider and even within the gay community there's the notion of “excessively gay” which refers to affected behavior or exaggerated mannerisms.  Humorous constructions like “gaynessness” are often non-standard and should be used with caution.  Gay is a noun, verb, adjective and adverb, gayness, gayification & gaiety are nouns, gayify is a verb, gayer & gayest are adjectives and gayly is an adverb ; the noun plural is gays.

A few landmarks in the history of gay

Rootes Corporation (UK) advertisement for the Hillman Minx, 1955.  "Go gay" was an advertising slogan and not an editorial imperative; at this time, reflecting the early practice of newspapers, advertising was carried on the covers of magazines.  It was not until the 1960s the relationship between cover photography and the news-stand sales of magazines became better understood.

There’s a widespread perception that gay shifted meaning from describing happy folk or events to a chauvinistic assertion of group identity as an overtly political act dating from the late 1960s.  The specific use actually dates from the 1920s, the years immediately after the First World War when first it appeared as an adjective.  It was used thus by Gertrude Stein (1874-1946) in Miss Furr & Miss Skeene (1922), becoming widespread in certain circles in US cities by the late 1930s.  Academic literature picked this up and reports of gay as slang began to be cited in psychological journals in the late 1940s.  Later, archivists found the term gay cat existed as early as 1893 among itinerants in north-east American cities and the use clearly persisted, attested to in Erskine's 1933 dictionary of Underworld & Prison Slang.  Nothing is known about the author of this work and the name N. Erskine may be a pseudonym, one assumption being he had served time in prison.  However, not for decades would, in most of the English-speaking word, shift in predominant meaning from "happy; joyful".

Ford (UK) advertisement for the Cortina (1962-1982), 1963.

The letters on the license plate (HRT) attracted some wry comment when this image began circulating on the web but HRT (Hormone replacement therapy) refers to a class or regimes administered to women to treat the symptoms of menopause; the companion treatments in matters associated with gender being MHT (Masculinizing hormone therapy) and FHT (Feminizing hormone therapy).  As this example indicates, in 1963 the word “gay” was, in general use, still most used as a synonym of “happy; joyful”.  Nor would “HRT” have bothered the advertising agency because although as early as the late nineteenth century, research was being undertaken into using ovarian extracts to treat menopausal symptoms and the term “Hormone replacement therapy: had appeared in the medical literature in 1945, it wasn’t until the late 1960s the initializm began with any frequency to appear in such publications and not for two decades did it come into common academic use.  By the 1970s, manufacturers had of course ceased suggesting their cars were associated with gayness and because late in the century “HRT” had entered general use, a license plate including “HRT” probably also would have been avoided.

Lesbians (some in sensible shoes, some not) in Le Monocle nightclub, Paris, 1932, one of a series of “authorized” images taken by Brassaï (professional name of Hungarian–French photographer & writer Gyula Halász, 1899–1984).

An institution created as a dedicated space for lesbians, Le Monocle opened in 1926 and operated continuously until the occupation of France in 1940.  As might be imagined, the Nazis did not tolerate such places and among their first acts upon taking power in Germany in 1933 had been a swift crackdown on Berlin's thriving club scene for homosexual men, a milieu described vividly in the writings of Christopher Isherwood (1904–1986). 

Within the community, those “in the linguistic know” certainly made use of “gay” in the modern sense well before the 1960s.  The troubled English mathematician Dr Alan Turing (1912–1954) spent time in the US (taking his PhD at Princeton University (1936-1938)) and it may have been there he, by some path, became acquainted with the re-purposing.  Whether it was part of his general speech (at least is some circles) isn’t recorded but in 1951 he wrote a “short story” (three pages of which still exist) in which appeared: “Now that his paper was finished he might justifiably consider that he had earned another gay man, and he knew where he might find one who might be suitable.”  There is though little to suggest that in the early post-war years “gay” in that sense was widely used outside the US with “homosexual” still the prevalent term although it seems between gay man, it wasn’t uncommon for them to reclaim “queer”, then otherwise a gay slur.

Admiring glance: Lindsay Lohan (right) during her "L" phase with former special friend Samantha Ronson (left). 

It wasn’t gay’s first fluidity in meaning; for centuries it’d been used in reference to various flavors of sexual conduct, ranging from female prostitutes to womanizing(!) men, all while the traditional use continued in parallel.  The most recent shift, essentially an appropriation for political purposes, ended the duality and has become so entrenched this may be final.  This final shift began in the late 1960s and quickly won the linguistic battle, use of gay in the new sense being common, though not universal, throughout the English-speaking world within a decade.  Other things changed too, some quickly, some not.  When in 1974 the American Psychiatric Association (APA) issued the seventh printing of second edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-II (1968)), they (sort of) de-listed homosexuality as a mental disorder although it wasn't wholly removed the publication of until the DSM-III in 1980; legislative changes unfolded over many decades.  One practical effect of removing homosexuality from the DSM's list of mental disorders was that overnight, millions instantly were "cured", a achievement which usually would gain someone the Nobel Prize in Physiology or Medicine.

Flying the rainbow flag: Members of Gay Men Fighting AIDS with their pink SPG, London for Pride Parade, 24 June 1995.

In service with both the British and Indian armies variously between 1965-2016, Vickers built 234 of the FV433 "Abbot" 105 mm Self-Propelled Gun (SPG) Field Artillery vehicles, using the existing FV430 platform with the addition of a fully-rotating turret.  The factory project code (and informal military designation) was “Abbot”, in the World War II (1939-1945) British tradition of using ecclesiastical titles for self-propelled artillery (following the Bishop, Deacon & Sexton).  The official model name was “L109” but to avoid confusion with the US-built 155 mm “M109” howitzer, 144 of which also entered British Army service in 1965, this rarely was used.  While the sight of a cluster of gay men atop a pink SPG might have frightened a few, the thought of one in the hands of a pack of lesbians truly is terrifying.    

LGBTQQIAAOP: The Glossary: The generally accepted oral shorthand used to be “LGBT” but any truncation can suggest issues around the politics of hierarchy and exclusion.  The modern practice seems to be to use variations of “LGBTQI plus” (often written as LGBTQI+).

L: Lesbian: Women attracted only to women.

G: Gay: Men attracted only to men (historically gay can used to describe homosexual men and women but modern convention is still to use lesbian for women although many lesbians self-describe as gay).

B: Bisexual: A person attracted to both sexes.

T:Transgendered: A person who has or is transitioning to the opposite sex, as they were born as the wrong sex, in the wrong body.  The most obvious category to illustrate sex and gender are not synonymous.

Q: Queer: A non-heterosexual person who prefers to call themselves queer.  Often used by those in the queer art movement, especially by those who maintain there is a distinct queer aesthetic.  Queer used to be a term of disparagement directed at certain non-heterosexuals but (like slut in another context), became a word claimed and re-purposed.

Q: Questioning: Someone questioning their sexual orientation, either unsure of which gender to which they’re attracted or not yet ready to commit.

I: Intersex: Anyone anywhere on the spectrum which used to be defined by the term hermaphrodite.  Intersex is now the accepted term and hermaphrodite should be used only where necessary in the technical language of medicine.

A: Asexual: A person not sexually attracted to anyone or anything (sometimes styled as aromantic).

A: Allies: A straight person who accepts and supports those anywhere in the LGBTQQIAAOP range(s).

O: Objectum: A person attracted to an inanimate object.  Curiously, despite being the only category which, by definition, can't harm another, objectum is now the most controversial entry on the spectrum.

P: Pansexual: A person attracted to a person because of their personality; sex and gender are both irrelevant.

Crown Prince Wilhelm (1882-1951) of the German Empire (the so-called “Second Reich”, 1871-1918), on the Western Front, inspecting troops, circa 1915.

In popular culture, there definitely exists a number of tropes and clichés which are use as signifiers of “gayness” including “gay poses”.  A “pose” is a static thing but if a image in snapped while and individual is moving, what’s captured can look like the stereotypical stance of someone gay.  As far as is known, Crown Prince Wilhelm definitely was not gay.

One amusing footnote in the history of matters LGBTQQIAAOP is the persistent urban myth Queen Victoria (1819–1901; Queen of the UK 1837-1901) prevailed on the government not to include women under the provisions of “Gross Indecency contrary to Section 11 of the Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885” because she didn’t believe there was anyone lesbionic in the world (or at least the British world).  Unfortunately, the tale almost certainly is apocryphal and no evidence has ever emerged suggesting the government even contemplated including lesbians in the legislation.  Anyway, Victoria clearly had no illusions men were capable of such things and without objection granted royal ascent to an act with the new phrase “Gross Indecency” (which covered the whole vista of “unnatural caresses”) and it was under this law the the Irish writer Oscar Wilde (1854–1900) was tried and convicted, receiving a sentence of two years.

Lord Alfred "Bosie" Douglas (1870–1945, left) and Oscar Wilde (1854–1900, right) in sepia, London, 1893.

It seems only to have been in the late 1960s the “Queen Victoria didn’t believe lesbians existed” story appeared in print when it was reported as “campus student lore” and it first attracted wide publicity when, during a lesbian rights demonstration in Wellington, New Zealand in 1977, protestors draped a statue of Victoria with a banner reading: “Lesbians Are Everywhere”.  No evidence (parliamentary records, government papers, royal correspondence etc) has ever emerged to suggest she was ever consulted about the matter or attempted to “warn, counsel or advise” and that’s in accordance with British constitutional law in which the monarch possesses no “line-item power of veto”; no king or queen had since the early eighteenth century withheld royal assent to a act.  While it was true Victoria did on occasion try to influence things (by threatening to abdicate), her interest was piqued by great matters of state or foreign affairs, not the details of criminal law, especially if something she’d likely have thought distasteful.  Historians have concluded lesbians were not included in the 1885 act because male politicians and churchmen (1) believed women were unlikely to engage in such acts and (2) if they did it didn’t really matter because it was just something women did.  Victorian legislators were more anxious about the threat of male homosexuality to patriarchal structures, military, and public schools.  However, as the diaries of many middle and upper-class chaps in twentieth century Britain attest, “unnatural caresses” between men remained far from uncommon.   

The Illustrated Police News reports the final Wilde trial, 4 May 1895.

There were though many judges and politicians who, drawing on classical literature and other sources, were aware of the long history of female same-sex activity but it does seem to have been thought an “upper class” thing of the drawing room set and thus less of a concern to the law, the argument being criminalising lesbianism would risk drawing attention to it and encouraging it among those “not of the better classes”.  However, in 1921 the House of Commons did vote to add women to the act because of the moral panic around the so-called “Black Book”, compiled during World War I (1914-1918) by the German espionage service which listed the names of thousands of “sexual perverts” (men and women).  Fearing the subjects may be subject to blackmail and thus a threat to national security the government decided to discourage such acts but the House of Lords rejected the bill, deciding that to acknowledge sapphism in statute was at some level to legitimize it in cultural discourse; their lordships thought it might give women ideas, never something of which men much approve.

The wheel: Tread-wheel and oakum-shed, City Prison, Holloway.

The “Gross Indecency” provision was called the Labouchère Amendment because it was introduced (apparently as an afterthought) by Liberal Party MP Henry Labouchère (1831–1912) during the late stages of debate on the Criminal Law Amendment Act 1885.  As originally envisaged, the act primarily was concerned with raising the age of consent (from 13 to 16) and tackling child prostitution with Mr Labouchère adding his clause as a proposed amendment during the second reading (the substantive debate) after agreement mostly had been reached.  The wording of Labouchère’s amendment was clever in that it was an early example of “fuzzy law”, a vague, catch-all provision which, by not descending to specifics allowed to state to prosecute any conduct between men much beyond a handshake; to the many moralists in the state, it was delightfully vague with the additional attraction of not demanding as much evidence to secure a conviction.  What Dr Kevin Rudd (b 1957; Australian prime-minister 2007-2010 & 2013) might have liked to describe as “terminological exactitude” had, by the mid-nineteenth century, become an impediment to successful prosecutions because even though the wording in the statute of 1553 (dating from the reign Henry VIII (1491–1547; King of England (and Ireland after 1541) 1509-1547) had in 1861 been updated from “the detestable and abominable vice of buggery” to “the abominable crime of buggery”, the operative word remained “buggery” and thus a high standard was imposed on the evidential onus of proof (the responsibility of the prosecution which needed, beyond reasonable doubt, to prove the act (anal penetration) had occurred, when, where and between the two male persons alleged).  As late as 1861, a conviction could attract the death penalty and this had come to be regarded as too onerous a punishment for what was often a consensual act so, with little prospect of success, prosecutions had become rare.  By comparison, judges and juries could more easily be persuaded a “gross indecency” had been committed and, with capital punishment no longer available, juries in particular were more amenable.  

Truth, 10 February, 1937.

Henry Labouchère was described as “a paradoxical Victorian figure: a radical in some respects, yet profoundly reactionary in others, a defender of democracy and free speech yet the man who authored the repressive law used to persecute Oscar Wilde.”  That is however a modern view and on matters of personal sexual morality, the “small l liberals” of the nineteenth century probably tended to be as conservative as many of the era.  Also, there’s nothing novel about individuals holding apparently disparate views, Arthur Calwell (1896-1973; Australian Labor Party (ALP) leader of the opposition 1960-1967) in his memoir (Be Just and Fear Not (1972)) writing of one colleague: “…he was left-wing on some issues and right-wing on others, just as many men are.”  It's doubtful old Arthur Calwell ever thought to discuss politics with a woman but his point was well-made and Labouchère was in this vein, backing causes such as republicanism, extending the franchise, Irish Home Rule, opposition to the monarchy’s lavish spending, and anti-imperialism while being deeply prejudiced in other fields: he was anti-Semitic, homophobic and a puritanical moralist who helped entrench one of the harshest anti-homosexual laws in modern Europe.  He may also have had a financial interest, being the founder and editor of the popular weekly newspaper Truth, which specialised in muckraking exposés of corruption, quackery and hypocrisy.  The Truth often featured articles concerned with sexual “immorality” and giving the police scope to “scoop up” men performing “gross indecencies” upon each other would have provided much juicy content.