Thursday, November 18, 2021

Halcyon

Halcyon (pronounced hal-see-uhn)

(1) Calm; peaceful; tranquil.

(2) Rich; wealthy; prosperous.

(3) Happy; joyful; carefree, the best of times.

(4) A mythical bird, usually identified with the kingfisher, said to breed about the time of the winter solstice in a nest floating on the sea, and to have the power of charming winds and waves into calmness.

(5) Any of various kingfishers, especially of the genus Halcyon.

(6) In Classical mythology, Alcyone.

1350-1400: From the Middle English Alceoun, from the Latin halcyōn & alcyōn (kingfisher), from the Ancient Greek halkyn, a pseudo-etymological variant of ἀλκυών (alkuṓn). (kingfisher) of unknown origin.  It replaced the Middle English alceon (or alicion), from the Classical Latin alcyōn, from the same Greek root.  By the 1540s it had in English assumed the sense of "calm, quiet, peaceful" in the phrase "halcyon dayes", a translation of the Latin alcyonei dies, from the Greek alkyonides hemerai, the fourteen days of calm weather at the winter solstice, when a mythical bird (identified with the kingfisher) was said to breed in a nest floating on calm seas.  In late fourteenth century Middle English, the fabled bird was known as the alcioun.  The word intrigued etymologists and the orthodox explanation is the construct hals (sea; salt) + kyon (conceiving), the present participle of kyein (to conceive (literally "to swell")) was an ancient folk-etymology to explain a loan-word from a non-Indo-European language.  The proper noun Halcyonidae describes the taxonomic family within the order Coraciiformes (tree kingfishers), sometimes considered a subfamily, as Halcyoninae.  Halcyon is a noun & adjective, halcyonid is a noun and halcyonian is an adjective; the noun plural is halcyons.

The Legend of Halcyone

Halcyone (1915) by Herbert James Draper (circa 1863-1920).

In Greek mythology, Alcyone was the daughter of Aeolus and she married Ceyx, son of Eosphorus (the Morning Star).  Alcyone and Ceyx were very happy together in Trachis and according to Pseudo-Apollodorus's account, playfully they would often call each other Zeus and Hera.  That was sacrilegious and so did it anger Zeus that one day when his mood was especially bad, seeing Ceyx at sea, the god cast a thunderbolt at his boat, sinking the fragile vessel and drowning Ceyx.  That evening, Morpheus, the god of dreams, disguised himself as Ceyx and appeared to Alcyone as an apparition, telling her of her lover's fate, at which in her grief, determined to join Ceyx, she cast herself into the sea and died.  In compassion, the gods changed them both into halcyon birds, named after her and by some accounts the kingfisher-like birds were granted the power to calm stormy, troubled seas and breed in nests floating on calm waters.  Like much mythology from Antiquity, there are variations of the story.  The Roman writers Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso; 43 BC–17 AD) & Hyginus (Gaius Julius Hyginus (circa 64 BC–17 AD) both recount the metamorphosis of the pair after Ceyx's loss in a terrible storm, though neither make mention of the wrath of Zeus, blaming the tragedy on the stormy seas.  Ovid also claims she threw herself into the ocean upon seeing his body washed ashore and Virgil (Publius Vergilius Maro (70–19 BC)) makes a brief mention of the affair, again without blaming Zeus.

Halcyon days: The Mean Girls (2004) cast at the 2005 MTV Movie Awards ceremony.

The most common use of halcyon now is "halcyon days" meaning “the best of times”.  Ovid and Hyginus both make Alcyone’s metamorphosis the origin of the etymology for halcyon days although for them it was something literally meteorological: the seven winter days when storms never gather.  These were the fourteen days each year (seven days either side of the shortest day) during which Alcyone (as a kingfisher) laid her eggs and made her nest on the beach and during which her father Aeolus, god of the winds, restrained the winds and calmed the waves so she could do so in safety. The phrase has since come to refer to any peaceful time and this has supplanted the older meaning; that of a lucky break, or a bright interval set in the midst of adversity.

Wednesday, November 17, 2021

Upper

Upper (pronounced uhp-er)

(1) Higher, as in place, position, pitch, or in a scale.

(2) Superior, as in rank, dignity, or station.

(3) In geography (as place or regional names), at a higher level, more northerly, or farther from the sea.

(4) In stratigraphy, denoting a later division of a period, system, or the like, (often initial capital letter).

(5) The part of a shoe or boot above the sole, comprising the quarter, vamp, counter, and lining.

(6) A gaiter; made usually of cloth.

(7) In dentistry, as upper plate, the top of a set of false teeth (dentures), the descriptive prefix for teeth in the upper jaw.

(8) In bicameral parliaments, as upper house (senate, legislative council, House of Lords etc), the body elected or appointed often on a less representative basis than a lower house.

(9) Slang for a stimulant drug, especially an amphetamine, as opposed to the calmative downer.

(10) In mathematics, (of a limit or bound), greater than or equal to one or more numbers or variables.

(11) In Taoism, a spiritual passageway through which consciousness can reach a higher dimension.

1300-1350: From the Old English upp, from the Proto-Germanic upp and cognate with the Old Frisian up, the Old Saxon up, the Old Dutch up, the Old High German ūf and the Old Norse upp.  Similar formations were the Middle Dutch upper, the Dutch opper, the Low German upper and the Norwegian yppare.  The –er suffix (added to verbs to form an agent noun) is from the Middle English –er & -ere, from the Old English -ware (suffix denoting residency or meaning "inhabitant of"), from the Proto-Germanic (w)ārijaz (defender, inhabitant), from the primitive Indo-European wer- (to close, cover, protect, save, defend).  It was cognate with the Dutch -er, the German –er and the Swedish -are.  The Proto-Germanic (w)ārijaz is thought most likely a borrowing from the Latin ārius.

The phrase “upper hand” (advantage) was first noted in the late fifteenth century, possibly the jargon of wrestling (“over-hand” existed with the same meaning nearly two-hundred years earlier and “lower hand” (condition of having lost or failed to win superiority) was documented in the 1690s but both are rare compared with “upper hand).  Upperclassman is recorded from 1871 and upper crust is attested from the mid-fifteenth century in reference to the top crust of a loaf of bread tending to be reserved for the rich.  Upper middle class was in use by 1835 and, in an echo of the modern “one percenters”, “upper ten thousand” appears first in 1844 and was common by mid-century to refer to the wealthier strata of society; a companion term of the time was “uppertendom”.  As a descriptor of the part of a shoe above the sole, use emerged in 1789.  The slang use to describe amphetamines and other pep-pills is an Americanism dated usually from 1968 but which may have been in use earlier; the companion term for drugs with a calmative effect was "downer".

In bicameral parliaments, in almost all systems it's common to refer to "upper" & "lower" houses.  In the democratic age, lower houses evolved to be the places which were most directly representative of the electorate and a member able to gain the support of a majority of those elected to a lower house was able to form a government, a process long almost always mediated through party politics.  Upper houses were more varied in composition, sometimes elected, sometimes appointed (in some cases, for life) and they tended to be representative more or established (and entrenched) interests than the wider electorate.  In federal systems, many upper houses were conceived as representatives and defenders of the rights and interests of the constituent states but in the West, this aspect of the history has been subsumed by the influence of the parties and only in rare cases will the interests of the state transcend party loyalty.  The upper chambers have undergone many changes and one of the oldest, the UK's House of Lords, was radically transformed by the New Labour administration (1997-2010) although its powers had already dramatically been pruned earlier in the twentieth century and no prime-minister has sat in the Lords since 1903, something not again contemplated since the 1920s (and under unusual circumstances in the 1950s).  An exception to the use of upper & lower in the context is in the US where the congress and almost all the state assemblies are bicameral.  In the US, historically, there was no conception of "upper & lower" in that sense, the two being regarded as co-equal but with different roles.  That was influenced both by the circumstances of the origin of the nation and the fact the executive branches are not drawn from the memberships  of the assemblies.  However, in recent decades, the use of "upper house" & "lower house" has crept into use, essentially because the standards of journalism are not what they were and this seems to have infected even some US reporters.  Some systems (notably New Zealand) actually abolished their upper house and from time-to-time there are doubtless a number of prime-ministers elsewhere who wish they could.    

For most of the twentieth century, the landlocked West African nation of Burkina Faso was known as the Upper Volta (the name indicating the land-mass contained the upper part of the Volta River), initially as part of the French colonial empire, later as an independent republic.  A self-governing republic of the French Community between 1958–1960, it was granted full independence in 1960 and re-named Burkina Faso in 1984.  When president, Richard Nixon (1913-1994; US president 1969-1974), used “Upper Volta” sarcastically, as a reference to any unimportant country, especially if he was compelled by the conventions of diplomacy to spend time meeting with their delegations, talking about things in which he just wasn't interested.

Lindsay Lohan wearing Louis Vuitton Star Trail ankle boots, fashioned with a Jacquard textile and glazed calf leather upper, treaded rubber sole, 3.1 inch (80mm) heel and patent monogram-canvas back loop (made in Italy, LV part-number 1A2Y7W, RRP US$1360.00), New York, January 2019.

Tuesday, November 16, 2021

Hegemony

Hegemony (pronounced hi-jem-uh-nee or hej-uh-moh-nee)

(1) Leadership or predominant influence exercised by one nation over others, as in a confederation.

(2) Aggression or expansionism by large nations in an effort to achieve world domination (especially among smaller nations).

(3) As cultural hegemony, ascendancy or domination of one (class, ethnic, linguistic etc) group over others.

1560–1570: From the Ancient Greek γεμονία (hēgemonía) (leadership, authority, supremacy), the construct being γεμών (hēgemon-) (stem of hēgemn) (leader) + -ia (the suffix forming abstract nouns of feminine gender, from the New Latin, from the Classical Latin -ia and the Ancient Greek -ία (-ía) & -εια (-eia)); the rarer form was γέομαι (hēgeisthai) (to lead).  The root of hēgeisthai is unknown but a link has been suggested to "to track down," from the primitive Indo-European sag-eyo- from the root sag- (to seek out, track down, trace).  The forms antihegemonic & counterhegemonic were creations in political science to describe the tactics and strategies adopted to oppose a hegemon.  Hegemony, hegemon, hegemonization & hegemonist are nouns, hegemonized, hegemonizing & hegemonize are verbs, hegemonic is an adjective and hegemonically is an adverb; the noun plural is hegemonies.

The noun hegemonism dates from 1965 and refers to a policy of political domination, based to some extent on the model of imperialism.  The noun hegemonist was first used in 1898 in a discussion of the particular role of Prussia in the German (con)federation (the joke of the time being that while there were many states with an army, Prussia was an army with a state).  The noun hegemon had been used a year earlier, describing the unique position of Great Britain in the world as a maritime power with a far-flung world-wide empire, quite distinct historically from the models of the previous two millennia which had tended to be continental or at least contiguous.  The adjective hegemonic had emerged as early as the 1650s and was older still, noted in oral use in the 1610s.

Gramsci's legacy

Hegemons at lunch.

Mean Girls (2004) has been analysed as a series of case-studies deconstructing the ways an individual or group can asset a cultural hegemony but it's also been subject to the critique that as a piece of cinema, it's emblematic of the way the industry reinforces white supremacy and white privilege.  The original sense of hegemony, dating from the 1560s, was in reference to the predominance of one city state over another in Ancient Greece and was used also to mean the literal authority or sovereignty of one city-state over a number of others, as Athens in Attica or Thebes in Boeotia and generally to the Hellenic League (338 BC), a federation of Greek city–states created by Philip II of Macedon (382–336 BC; king (basileus) of Macedonia 359-336) to facilitate his access to and use of Greek armies against the Persian empire.  It was first used in a modern sense in geo-politics during the 1850s to describe the position of Prussia in relation to other German states and came to be applied, sometime misleadingly, to the European colonialism imposed upon the Americas, Africa, Asia, and Australasia.  In the twentieth century, political scientists (not only those from the left although the idea was most developed by neo-Marxists) extended the denotation of hegemony to include cultural imperialism, the domination, by a ruling class (or culture), in a socially stratified society.  The core of the theory was that by manipulating cultural values and mores, thereby constructing a dominant ideology, the ruling class intellectually can dominate the other classes by imposing a worldview (Weltanschauung) that, ideologically and structurally, justifies the social, political, and economic status quo to the point where it’s viewed as normal, inevitable and perpetual, with no possible alternative.

Antonio Gramsci

It was Italian politician and Marxist philosopher Antonio Gramsci’s (1891–1937) discussions in the 1920s of the nature of hegemony which provided the framework upon which others built their theories.  Gramsci was interested in the survival, indeed the flourishing of the capitalist state in the most advanced Western countries, despite the social and economic convulsions which earlier theorists had suggested should have threatened the system’s survival.  Gramsci understood the supremacy of a class and that the reproduction of its associated mode of production could be obtained by brute domination or coercion but his key observation was that in advanced capitalist societies, the perpetuation of class rule was achieved largely through consensual means.  A hegemonic class is thus one able to attain the consent of other social forces, and the retention of this consent is an ongoing project.  His work continues to underpin most critical analysis of apparently disparate systems such as The People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the US, systems in which tiny ruling classes (the Communist Party (CCP) in the former and the (somewhat misleadingly named) one percent in the latter), maintain and enhance a system entirely in their own interest with support from the masses ranging mostly from resigned acquiescence to actual enthusiasm.  In the CCP, this manifests as most of the population supporting the suppression of their political rights; in the US, they’re convinced to act against their own economic interests.  Under capitalism (ie the system used by both PRC and the US), Gramsci observed the relentless contribution of the institutions of civil society to the shaping of mass cognitions.

Gramsci wasn’t a theorist only of structures but was interested also in revolutionary strategy.  He noted the acquisition of consent prior to gaining power as an obvious implication but this he refined by offering a distinction a war of manoeuvre (the full frontal assault on the bourgeois state) and one of position (engagement with and subversion of the mechanisms of bourgeois ideological domination).  Others were taken with the concept, notably German-American political theorist Herbert Marcuse (1898–1979) of the Frankfurt School of critical theory and German Marxist sociologist Rudi Dutschke (1940–1979), best remembered for the idea, inspired by Gramsci, of a “long march through the institutions”.  The strategy was inspired, the tactics flawed.  The institutions through which the revolutionaries were allowed (some say encouraged) to march turned out to be art galleries, theatre trusts and other structures on the margins.  The institutions which controlled the economy and the security of the state remained under the control of the hegemon.

Monday, November 15, 2021

Jagwah

Jagwah (pronounced jag-whar)

A slang term in western Africa; a colloquialism for a "smart man-about-town".

Early 1960s post-colonial Nigeria: A phoneticism based on the admiration locals felt for the large green and white Jaguars run by the newly-independent Nigerian Government on their executive car fleet.  An example of aspirational association: a desired life-style expressed in a status-symbol; to this day in West Africa, Jagwah remains a  colloquialism for "a smart man-about-town".  Under British colonial rule since the early nineteenth century, Nigeria was granted independence in 1960 and within a few weeks the new government had bought 40 Jaguar Mark IXs, all painted in the Nigerian state colours of green and white.  The big Jags, much admired by the local citizens, were ideal for African conditions, being robustly built and supplied with a low-compression engine suitable for the octane-rating of the petrol then available.  The economics were also compelling with their price being less than half that of a visually similar Rolls-Royce or Bentley; despite that, the Mark IX looked appropriately presidential.  Jagwah is a noun; the noun plural is jagwahs.

The big post-war Jaguars

1947 Jaguar Mark IV 3.5 Saloon.

Jaguar Mark IV, 1945-1949:  Like many of the cars produced immediately after World War II (1939-1945), the design of the Jaguar range which came to be called Mark IV was essentially the same as that made in the pre-war years.  However, visually similar though the cars may have been, ruefully the engineers would admit the quality in some ways didn't match the pre-war cars because there was a severe shortage of steel and, given the parlous state of the nation's finances, the new Labour government's (1945-1951) "export or die" mantra meant the highest quality steel was allocated to industries wholly focused on overseas sales which would yield desperately needed forex (foreign exchange).  One low-cost change however was the adoption of the "Jaguar" name, the old "SS" brand retired.  While the unsavoury association with the Nazi Party’s SS (Schutzstaffel (security section or squad)) is sometimes still cited as the reason, the conventional wisdom is that in 1945 (when passenger vehicle production resumed), the rationale for changing the corporate name from “SS Cars” to “Jaguar Cars Limited” was the stronger brand-identity of the latter rather than an aversion to anything associative with the Nazis.  Jaguar’s pre-war use of SS was derived from the company’s origin as the Swallow Sidecar Company but, after the association with the Standard Motor Company as an engine supplier, the factory began to prefer Standard Swallow, the cars sold under the name "Jaguar SS".  The designation was revived in 1957 when 25 unsold D-Type racing cars were reconfigured as the XKSS, nine of which were destroyed in a factory fire, an unfortunate event which created a twenty-first century marketing opportunity when nine close to exact reproductions were manufactured.

1945 Jaguar Mark IV 3.5 DHC.

Between 1945-1949, what came to be called the Mark IV was sold as the Jaguar 1½ litre, 2½ litre & 3½ litre; most were saloons but a small number of drophead coupés (DHC or convertible and what many would call a cabriolet) were built.  Still using Standard’s engines (although manufactured by Jaguar after 1946), the larger units were overhead valve (OHV) straight sixes, the smaller one an OHV four.  Quite old-fashioned even then, the cars still used mechanical brakes and were built on a separate chassis frame with semi-elliptic leaf suspension on rigid axles front and rear.   It was only when Jaguar introduced the Mark V (1948-1951) that the designation Mark IV came into being and that was the start of more than a decade of the company’s tangled use of “Mark this and that”.  In the pre-war years (though the last was produced in 1940), the SS cars had been had been badged and marketed as the 1½ litre, 2½ litre & 3½ litre.  There was never a Mark I, II or III and whether, after the release of the Mark V, the company ever contemplated retrospectively applying the designations to earlier iterations seems not documented.  Anyway, it never was done but Jaguar wasn’t done with Marks.  Their smaller saloon was sold between 1955-1959 and named “2.4” & “3.8” (the larger engine introduced in 1957) but when this model was revised for a 1959 release, it was designated Mark 2 (Roman numerals never used) and, in one form or another, these were sold until 1969.  Because that car had been dubbed “Mark 2”), the original 2.4 & 3.4 came to be styled “Mark 1” but although widely used, this was never adopted by the factory.  Concurrent with all that, the Mark VII was updated as the Mark VIII (1956-1958) & Mark IX (1958-1961) before being replaced by the radically different Mark X (1961-1966).  In 1966, Jaguar gave up, use of “Mark” abandoned with the revised Mark X becoming the 420G (1966-1970).  Beginning in 1968, subsequent model revisions were denoted by “Series” (S1, S2 etc) rather than “Mark”.  Clear?

1950 Jaguar Mark V 3.5.

Jaguar Mark V, 1948-1951:  Unlike the first genuinely new post-war American cars which stylistically were a generation (or more) advanced, in appearance the Mark V was clearly an evolution from the pre-war lines, the flowing curves more integrated into the coachwork and the once separate headlamps now in nacelles flared into the bodywork.  Bigger and heavier than its predecessors, the Mark V, again offered as a saloon or DHC, was fitted only with the six-cylinder engines; it would be decades before the next four-cylinder Jaguar would be sold, the XK-four prototypes tested for a couple of years thought unsuitable for the market segment Jaguar played a part in creating and defining.  The OHV six was carried over from the Mark IV, the new double overhead camshaft (DOHC) XK-six remaining exclusive to the XK-120 (1648-1954) sports car until the debut of the Mark VII in 1951 but under the skin, it was rather more modern, now with independent front suspension and hydraulic brakes though the separate chassis would remain until the end of the Mark IX production in 1961.  There would be no Jaguar Mark VI, apparently because the visually similar Bentley Mark VI was already on sale and the story (which has been repeated over the years) that the abortive Jaguar Mark VI was a Mark V fitted with the XK-six is apparently a myth although several such cars certainly were built as testbeds for the drivetrain which would be used in the Mark VII.     

The Jaguar Mark VII M which won the 1956 Monte Carlo Rally.

Jaguar Mark VII, 1951-1956:  Unpersuaded by the various newer aesthetics emerging from the design studios in Europe and the US, Jaguar remained reluctant entirely to abandon the pre-war lines, the Mark VII again evolutionary in appearance, something of a streamlined Mark V, but under the hood (bonnet) now sat the XK-120’s 3.4 litre (210 cubic inch) XK-Six which enabled the big saloon (there were no more DHCs) to top 100 mph (160 km/h) with acceleration to match all but the most powerful of the competition from Detroit.  In a sign of the times, the automatic gearbox, previously available only on export models, was offered as an option on the home market.  The lusty performance made the bulky Mark VII a somewhat improbable competition car but it enjoyed success both on the track and as a rally car, a career enhanced when the Mark VII M was introduced in 1954, the engine now with more aggressive camshafts and a higher compression ratio made possible by the wider availability of high-octane petrol.  The lift in performance was sufficient for victory in the 1956 Monte-Carlo Rally and while success continued on the track in many countries, in the US, a Jaguar’s win a NASCAR (National Association of Stock Car Auto Racing) event was enough to convince the ruling body to ban foreign-built cars except those so small and slow they’d not threaten Detroit's big "stockers".  The race the XK120 FHC won was a 100 mile (160 km) road-course (ie not one of the big ovals) event held at Linden Airport, New Jersey on 13 June, 1954 and was a foreign vehicle’s first victory in one of NASCAR’s premier races (then Grand National, later NASCAR Cup series).  It would be the only time a Jaguar took a NASCAR chequered flag and the last win by a car from a foreign manufacturer until 2008 when Toyotas began racing.   

1958 Jaguar Mark VIII.

Jaguar Mark VIII, 1956-1958:  Externally distinguishable from its predecessor only by the new, one-piece curved windscreen, cut-away rear spats (fender skirts) and other detail changes, the Mark VIII gained another useful increase in performance by the adoption of a variation of the XK-140’s higher performance 3.4 XK-Six, tuned to deliver low and mid-range torque rather than the top-end power needed in sports-car trim.  Now with more elaborate appointments, weight increased so the lift in performance was a little blunted but Jaguar’s choice as a performance saloon had anyway switched to (what came retrospectively to be known as) the smaller Mark 1 which in 1957 gained the 3.4 litre engine, becoming something of the BMW M5 of its day.  That was good but to keep the price down, disc brakes initially remained an option, a heinous omission on what was then one of the fastest cars on the road but Jaguar always prioritized "value for money" and their marketing slogan was "grace, space and pace", not "brakes, space and pace".  Additionally, the 1956 Suez crisis had made the smaller car much more attractive to customers and from its introduction the smaller saloon would out-sell the big Marks.  In a strange quirk, despite being removed from the catalogue in 1958, Mark VIII production continued into 1960 because a particular specification was made for the UK military, the machines a great favorite as staff cars for admirals, generals and air marshals. 

1959 Jaguar Mark IX.

Jaguar Mark IX, 1958-1961:  With the success of the smaller Mark I & 2, they became the mainstream Jaguar saloons and the Mark IX was upgraded with more luxurious fittings and some previously optional features such as the steel sliding sunroof (then described as a "sunshine roof") became standard equipment.  Power was again increased, the XK-six now bored out to 3.8 litres (231 cubic inches) and rated at 220 HP (horsepower), the same unit that would power the smaller Mark 2 to several seasons of dominance in saloon car racing; only the triple carburetor versions in the XK150S, Mark X (later 420G) & E-Type (XKE) would be more powerful.  While reliability of 3.8 litre versions of the XK-six had proved satisfactory in competition, tests by the engineers suggested that over time, there would be a susceptibility to cracking between the bores so a new block was designed, including re-designed water passages to the front and rear sections, effectively linking to two separate chambers around banks of three cylinders.  As an additional precaution, unlike the 3.4 where each cylinder had been bored directly into the casting, dry liners were adopted.  Befitting the market at which it was aimed, power steering was now standard as were four-wheel disc brakes which were typical of the early versions of the type, often noisy and with quite high pedal pressures but very effective, so good in fact that in conjunction with the power of the new 3.8 engine, on the track the big Jaguar was again remarkably competitive in it its class.  Even by 1958 however, the Mark IX was stylistically, a bit of a relic and in 1961 it was replaced by the longer, lower, wider Mark X.

1967 Jaguar 420G.

Jaguar Mark X, 1961-1966 & 420G, 1966-1970:  A transformative vehicle, the Mark X in so many ways set the template for Jaguar saloons, one which would serve the line for half a century, the lines first seen in 1961 not retired until the X358 version of the XJ ended production in 2009 (to be replaced by something which looked like a big Hyundai).  While in engineering terms, a considerable advance over its baroque predecessor, the low-slung lines made it less suitable as a state vehicle, a market-gap not adequately filled by the visually antiquated limousines Jaguar had inherited when it absorbed Daimler in 1960 and this would not be resolved until late in the decade.  The Mark X represented Jaguar’s particular take on modernity.  Introduced in the same year, while it didn’t create anything like the splash the sensational E-Type managed, it shared much of the mechanical specification including the very clever rear suspension with its inboard disc brakes, another long-lived design which wouldn’t be retired until 2006.  Also shared with the E-Type was the triple carburetor 3.8 XK-six, rated at up to (a perhaps optimistic) 265 HP although in 1965, that would be replaced by the 4.2 litre (258 cubic inch) iteration, installed in the quest for more torque, something distinctly lacking compared with the big displacement V8s used by US manufacturers.

1965 Jaguar Mark X 4.2.  Even by the slight standards of the 1960s the ergonomics were dubious but it was one of the most atmospheric cockpits of the era.

Although the 4.2's additional displacement was achieved by enlarging the bore, it was still a long-stroke unit and the changed characteristics did improve drivability, as did the improved, all-synchromesh four-speed manual gearbox which, while shared with and much welcomed in the E-Type, was anyway becoming increasingly less relevant in cars in this market segment.  That was certainly true in the US which was the market in which the Mark X was intended to succeed but there it never did.  It was always understood by the factory that because of its sheer size, appeal in the home market would be limited but there were high hopes for success across the Atlantic and indeed, the Mark X was is so many ways perfect niche competition for the big Buicks, Cadillacs, Lincolns and Imperials.  However, by the early 1960s those manufacturers were building the finest engine-transmission combinations in the world with V8 engines up to 430 cubic inches (7.0 litres) and gearboxes which didn’t so much change gear as slur effortlessly from one ratio to the next.  It was a driving experience the XK-six couldn’t match under the conditions in which most American driving took place and the joys offered by the brakes and suspension (more sophisticated than anything built by Detroit), didn’t compensate for the lack of effortlessness or amenities like air-conditioning which could, with the twist of a knob deliver anything from a cooling waft to an icy blast.  The obvious solution would have been to install the superb 4.6 litre (278 cubic inch) V8 acquired with the purchase in 1960 of Daimler and the V8 was tested in a Mark X with most satisfactory results and if more was wanted, enlargement well beyond five litres (305 cubic inches) was possible.  Unfortunately, Jaguar at the time was convinced engines should have either six or twelve cylinders and it’s true their V12 with its turbine-like smoothness would have suited the Mark X perfectly but it took so long to develop that the big car was out of production by the time it arrived.  The failure to pursue the simple expedient of using the Daimler V8 in the Mark X was emblematic of the mistakes, bizarre decisions and missed opportunities which was the tale of the British motor industry in the 1960s and 1970s,  

1967 Jaguar 420G.

So, selling is much lower volumes than had been hoped, the 4.2 litre Mark X continued until 1970 by which time production had slowed to a trickle.  To mark some detail changes in trim and a few additions to conform with new safety regulations, it was in 1966 renamed 420G (rather than Mark XI as tradition suggested) but even the option of (semi-satisfactory) air-conditioning and a central partition to make it a more suitable vehicle for those with chauffeurs didn’t arouse much interest.  When the Mark X’s fine underpinnings were instead in 1968 offered in the more manageably sized XJ6, it was the death knell, the 420G, its tooling long amortized, remaining on the books to fulfil the limited demand which still existed for a car which, whatever its flaws, offered a unique combination of virtues for those who appreciated such things.

Daimler DS420s: One of the rare landaulet’s (left) of which Vanden Plas built only two although coach-builders and others have created a number (of varying quality) by modifying standard limousines; two with their chauffeurs awaiting their passengers,  Pall Mall, Westminster, London, 1974 (centre) and the funeral of Diana, Princess of Wales, London, 6 September 1997 (right).

Daimler DS420, Buckingham Palace, London.

Daimler DS 420, 1968-1992:  British Leyland, which had absorbed Jaguar, had continued production of both the Daimler Majestic Major with its old-fashioned body and modern V8 engine and the truly antiquated Vanden Plas Princess, replacing them (and in a sense the old Jaguar Mark IX) with the new Daimler DS420.  The DS420 needs to be considered when assessing the Mark X/420G as a failure because it was atop the Mark X’s fine platform the dignified DS420 sat.  Suddenly the sheer bulk of the Mark X, which had proved such an impediment to market acceptance, was an invaluable asset, the stately DS420 long & tall, as ideal for presidents and potentates and it proved for funeral directors and the wedding trade.  Most were configured as conventional limousines but coachbuilders built also hearses and the odd landaulet; they were for decades a fixture at state events, weddings and funerals (the hearse for Diana, Princess of Wales (1961-1997) was a DS420).  The last was made in 1992 and was noted also for being the final car to use the old XK-six, introduced more than forty years earlier in the XK120.

A very modern jagwah: "Smart woman-about-town" Lindsay Lohan in pink & polka-dot combo by Amiparism, Ami three button jacket and flare-fit trousers in wool gabardine with Ami small Deja-Vu bag, Interview Magazine, November 2022.  The car is a Jaguar XJS (1975-1996 and labeled XJ-S until mid-1991) convertible.

The "Diana hearse" (B626MRK) was a 1985 model, built by Wilcox Limousines and owned by the Funeral Directors Leverton & Sons; it was the last DS420 so modified by Wilcox before hearse production was shifted to the sister company Eagle Specialist Vehicles and was the same car used to collect her coffin from RAF Northolt after its arrival from France.  In 2003, Levertons sold B626MRK after it had for some years been in storage.  It was purchased by an anonymous buyer for £90,000, the somewhat macabre celebrity association gaining it quite a premium over the Stg£3,000-4,000 a typical DS420 hearse of this age and condition would be expected to attract.  Inevitably, there was criticism, some claiming the thing should have been donated to a museum but, accustomed to death, undertakers are pragmatic and to Levertons doubtlessly it was just another piece of obsolete equipment to be sold to the highest bidder.

Sunday, November 14, 2021

Snug

Snug (pronounced snuhg)

(1) Warmly comfortable or cozy, as a place, accommodations, clothing etc.

(2) Fitting closely (often as “snug fit”), applied usually to clothes, shoes etc but also to the internal space in buildings, the interaction of components etc.  In clothing, the nuances of the use of “snug” depend on context and can suggest either or both “warm & cozy” and “figure-hugging; form-fitting”.

(3) Compact or limited in size, and sheltered or warm.

(4) Something trim, neat or compactly arranged.

(5) Pleasant or agreeable, especially if in a small, exclusive way.

(6) A financial state enabling one to live in comfort.

(7) A secret, concealed or well-hidden place (as in a hideout).

(8) In nautical use, to prepare for a storm by taking in sail, lashing deck gear etc (usually in the phrase “snug down”); as “a sung harbor” or “a snug anchorage”, a sheltered and secure place to anchor or dock.

(9) In bars and pubs, a small room or enclosure, offering intimate seating for only a few persons (historically used Britain and Ireland but often seen in the “Irish Pubs” or “British Pubs” built in many countries and a similar concept to the “lounge bars” which were once distinct places from “public bars”).

(10) In engineering, a small peg under the head of a bolt engaging with a slot in the bolted component to prevent the bolt turning when the nut is tightened; a lug.

(11) A minor character in William Shakespeare's (1564–1616) play A Midsummer Night's Dream (1596).

(12) For two (or more) people lie closely or comfortably together; to nestle.

(13) To make something snug.

1575–1585: From dialectal English snug (tight, handsome) and in the sense of “prepared for storms” or “protected from the weather” (as used by sailors at sea), it may be from the Old Icelandic snöggr & Old Norse snøggr (short-haired), from the Proto-Germanic snawwuz (short, quick, fast) and cognate with the Swedish snygg (handsome, nice-looking; neat, tidy) and the Low German snögger (smart), the Icelandic snöggur (smooth) and the Danish snög (neat, tidy).  Although it’s uncertain, the ultimately source may have been the primitive Indo-European root kes- (to scratch).  The sense of "in a state of ease or comfort" was first documented in the 1620s while the sense of “fit closely” seems to have emerged in 1838.  The phrase “snug as a bug in a rug” was in use by at least 1769, the meaning the same was the earlier snug as a bee in a box, documented since 1706; rhyme seems to have prevailed over alliteration.  The verb snuggle in the sense of “move this way and that to get close to something or someone” (for purposes of warmth or affection) was in use by the 1680s, a frequentative of the verb snug (move so as to lie close to), dating from the 1580s.  Snuggled & snuggling were the related form and snuggle was used as noun from 1901.  Given the spread in meaning, the synonyms can include comfortable, comfy, cushy, neat, tight, close, compact, intimate, trim, homely, restful, sheltered, tidy, ordered, orderly, cozy, cuddle.  Snug is a noun, verb & adjective, snuggish, snugger & snuggest are adjectives, snugness is a noun, snugly is an adverb and snugged & snugging are verbs; the noun plural is snugs.

Lindsay Lohan in snug-fitting dresses.

Because of the “UG” element in snug, there have been many SNUG acronyms which have come and gone over the years, Acronym Finder listing a couple of dozen including:

Synopsys Users Group
Space Network Users' Guide
Stanford Newton User Group (Palo Alto, California)
Storage Networking User Group
Sydney Novell Users Group
Siemens International Users Group
Startel National Users Group
Stanford Newton Users Group
Storage Network Users Group
Storage Network User Group
Stichting Notes User Group
Seniors Networking User Group
Storage Networking User Groups
Select Noble Users Group
Southwest Notes User Group
Sebastopol Nix User Group
SolidWorks National User Group
Special Needs User Group
Sinclair Northamerican User Groups
Spanish NonStop User Group
Space Network Users Guide
SMS National User Group
Southern National Users Group
Sydney NetWare Users Group
Startel National User Group
Strategic Network User Group

Thanks to Urban Dictionary, it can be revealed snug is a word which describes a number of sexual practices ranging from the charming to the depraved.  It’s also a part of drug slang, a snug being either (1) an intricately small, but very dank nug of weed or (2) a small nug of weed that becomes lodged in the hole of a pipe, constricting the airflow.  A Snug is also a girl apparently native to university campuses and defined by her clothing choice: Spandex pants, North Face jacket, UGG boots.

In the Snug.

Minnie Caldwell (Margot Bryant; 1897-1988, left), Ena Sharples (Violet Carson; 1898-1983, centre) and Martha Longhurst (Lynne Carol; 1914-1990, right) gossiping in the Rovers Return snug which was one of the sets of the Granada Television soap opera Coronation Street (1960-).  The three characters were usually depicted drinking milk stout but in 1964, Martha Longhurst dropped dead in the snug, shortly after ordering a sherry.  The story-line may have been an early public service health warning about the dangers of mixing drinks.

The origin of the snug, a small room in a secluded part of a pub, was to provide a private room where ladies could enjoy a drink at a time when it was not proper for a woman to be seen in a pub.  The tradition began in Ireland at a time when women weren’t even allowed to enter pubs, the drink trade in the country being vibrant but public consumption was exclusively a male domain.  There was social pressure but probably economics was just as compelling a reason for their introduction and in the late nineteenth century they began to appear and they were patronized not only by women but by those who simply might not wish to be seen, a list which was reputed to extend to police officers and priests as well as those transacting business.  As time went by, snugs proved to be what the hospitality business calls a “revenue centre” and they became places where higher prices could be charged and so menus were added, lunch and dinner “in the snug” becoming a thing.

Flanagan’s Outback Sports Bar, Emporium Building, 69 Front Street, Hamilton HM 12, Bermuda.

In pre-EU (European Union) Ireland, it wasn’t actually against the law for a woman to enter a pub, it was just one of those social conventions enforced if required by many innkeepers, always with the approval of the parish priest, the Roman Catholic Church then exercising an influence was so pervasive it’s difficult now for those who didn’t live through the era to believe it could have happened.  There is much documentary evidence that in pre-famine Ireland it was common for men and women to drink together in bars but, as is well-known, that can lead to dancing or worse and the church decided to do something about the immorality and indecency, imposing from the pulpit new and restrictive social mores.  Beginning in the 1960s however, even Ireland was exposed to the social forces which were transforming other Western cultures and women started to appear in bars.  That proved in some ways to be the end of civilization as the Catholic Church knew it but women could now enjoy a pint at the bar so there was that.  The snugs however survived for a while although in both the UK and Ireland they’re now rare but paradoxically, because so many “British” and “Irish” pubs have been built around the world, there are now more snugs outside the British Isles than within and just to remove doubts, many have a sign above the door (often in some “olde worlde” script) saying “The Snug”.

The attraction of the word in “Irish Pub” branding means around the world there are many actually called “Snug”, something which was never the practice in Ireland or the UK.

Within Ireland and the UK, the snugs began to vanish because instead of increasing revenue, they became a drag on the operation, taking up space which could be used more profitability.  Those with the space would create “lounge bars” where drinks cost more than in the public bar; it was a place to meet a better class of drunk and the idea had proved popular in Australia and New Zealand where for much of the twentieth century, women were also by various means excluded from public bars.  In the British Isles, a number of snugs remain because they’re on a register of historic architecture and must be maintained.