Showing posts sorted by date for query Kink. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by date for query Kink. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Saturday, September 12, 2026

Class

Class (pronounced klas or klahs)

(1) A number of persons or things regarded as forming a group by reason of common attributes, characteristics, qualities, or traits; kind; sort.

(2) A collection or division of people or things sharing a common characteristic, attribute, quality, or property

(3) A group of persons sharing a similar social position and certain economic, political, and cultural characteristics

(4) In educational use: (1) The period during which a group of students meets for instruction, (2) A group of students meeting regularly to study a subject under the guidance of a teacher or (3) the physical classroom.

(5) Collectively (as “class of YYYY”), all students in the institution who graduated that year, the concept extended also to politicians in an assembly all elected at the same election.

(6) A social stratum sharing basic economic, political, or cultural characteristics, and having the same social position; caste.

(7) In sociology, political science & economics, the system of dividing society on that basis; (ruling class, upper class, middle class, working class etc); of late extended to include concepts such as “political class”, “entrepreneurial class”, “creative class” etc; in Marxist theory, a group of persons sharing the same relationship to the means of production & distribution.

(8) Social rank, especially high rank.

(9) Elegance, grace, or dignity, as in dress and behavior.

(10) The members of a given group in society, regarded as a single entity.

(11) Any division of persons or things according to rank or grade.

(12) Excellence; possessing exceptional merit; in informal use, the best or among the best of its kind (sometimes as “touch of class”).

(13) In Hinduism, any of the four social divisions, the Brahman, Kshatriya, Vaisya, and Shudra, of Hindu society; varna.

(14) Any of several grades of accommodation available on ships, airplanes, trains and such.

(15) In biology, the usual major subdivision of a phylum or division in the classification of organisms, usually consisting of several orders.

(16) In British and Commonwealth universities, the groups into which candidates for honors degrees are divided according to merit on the basis of final examinations or other method of assessment (first class, second class, third class and sometimes graduated (class 2A, 2B etc).

(17) In Ecclesiastical use (early Methodism, as classis), one of several small companies, each composed of about twelve members under a leader, into which each society or congregation was divided.

(18) In statistics, a grouping of data values in an interval, often used for computation of a frequency distribution.

(19) In mathematics (set theory), a collection of sets definable by a shared property, especially one which is not itself a set (in which case the class is called proper).  To please the nerds, every set is a class, but classes are not generally sets.  A class that is not a set is called a proper class.

(20) In computer programming (object-oriented), a set of objects having the same behavior (but typically differing in state), or a template defining such a set in terms of its common properties, functions etc.

(21) To place or arrange in a class; classify; to take or have a place in a particular class.

(22) As “class up” to improve the quality, tone, or status of; add elegance, dignity, style etc.

1590–1600: From the earlier Middle English classis (plural classes), from the fourteenth century French classis, from the Latin classis (a class or division of the people, assembly of people, the whole body of citizens called to arms, the army, the fleet, later a class or division in general, the singular form a back formation from the plural), from the primitive Indo-European kele- (to call, shout).  Classis displaced the Old English ġecynd.  The original use in the late sixteenth century was of a “group of students” (ie number of pupils in a school or college of the same grade) and that in North America became the standard form, enduring to this day.  The Latin classis was most used in military matters (of the army and the sea-fleet) and applied particularly to “a class, a division; army, fleet”, especially “any one of the six orders into which Servius Tullius (sixth king of Rome, reigning 578-535 BC) divided the Roman people for purposes of taxation” (traditionally, originally “the people of Rome under arms” (a sense in use in English by at least the 1650s), and akin to calare (to call (to arms)), thus the link with the primitive Indo-European kele- (to call, shout)).  Class is the standard abbreviation of classification and sometimes is used also for “classical” and “classified”.  The word is for many purposes used as a modifier and there are more than a hundred including asset class, business class, closed class, economy class, first class, leisure class, middle class, night class, professional class, school class, social class, working class. class action, type class, cruiser class, cattle class, class A, classable, class-based, class-conscious, classicide, classism, classist, class warrior, creative class, criminal class, high-class, low class, pseudoclass, ruling class, working-class, class enemy, class struggle and class reunion.

The 19BB (“Barrier Boat”, though sailor's slang is “Boomin’ Beaver”) is a specialized class of miniature tugboat used to deploy and maintain port security booms surrounding Navy ships and installations in port.  The smallest vessels on the USN's (US Navy) active list, the story Donald Trump (b 1946; POTUS 2017-2021 and since 2025) wanted to rename the BBs “Biden Class” (after Joe Biden (b 1942; VPOTUS 2009-2017 & POTUS 2021-2025)) apparently apocryphal.

Borrowing from the concept of classifications in educational & military use, the adoption in science for taxonomy (group of related plants or animals) dates from 1753 and has since been much expanded.  Dictionaries, perhaps surprisingly cite the 1870s as the origin of class being used with the meaning “high quality”, despite the sense of “a division of society according to status” (upper, lower, etc.) being in use since the early 1700s and the idea in societies of a “class-consciousness” will be ancient although it was only in 1903 the term entered English, from the German compound noun Klassenbewusst.  Special adaptations include the nouns classeme (in semiotics a generic or contextual seme, denoting a group of objects) & classitis (in web design, a critique of authoring stylesheets with redundant and semantically unhelpful classes).  Classy endures as an adjective (meaning “elegant; stylish) but the noun classy (also as clashee & clashy) is long obsolete.  Under the Raj, a classy (from khalasi) was an Indian worker at a port or dockyard, traditionally employed in pulling vessels out of the water for maintenance and repair and returning them to the water upon completion; the anglicized forms came ultimately from the Hindi ख़लासी (xalāsī), from the Classical Persian خلاصی (xalāsī).  Class is a noun, verb & adjective, classism & classer are nouns, classist & classful are nouns & adjectives, classable, classy, classless & classlike are adjectives, declass is an adjective, classed is a verb, classing is a noun & verb, classwide is an adjective & adverb and classward is an adverb; the noun plural is classes

Classy look: Lindsay Lohan rendered in the style of nineteenth century Impressionism by Gemini.ai.  The digital version was based on a photograph of her in a Jil Sander (b 1943) gown while attending the Disney Legends Awards ceremony, Anaheim, California, August, 2024.  On the day, although the environment was not optimized for photography, the light and even the breeze cooperated, the gown’s fabric swishing in a way the Impressionists would have painted, even had the air been still.

In the context of a group of people sharing the same social, economic, or occupational status, the term “class” implies usually a social and economic hierarchy in which those of higher class standing have greater status, privilege, prestige, and authority. Western societies traditionally have been divided into three classes: the upper (or leisure), middle (bourgeoisie) & lower (working) class (for Marxists, the significant classes were the bourgeoisie and proletariat although neo-Marxists have for decades adjusted the theory to accommodate changes).  Most associated with the writings of English-born US sociologist Michael Mann (b 1942), classicide (the construct being class + (hom)icide) describes the deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of a social class through persecution and violence.  In that it may be compared to genocide (envisaged originally as the mass killing of defined ethnic or religious groups).  Between the two there can be overlap (such as in the Cambodian genocide by the Khmer Rouge regime in Democratic Kampuchea) but the emphasise in classicide is on the premeditated mass killing of a group based on their (perceived) social status; in that its similar to politicide (in which the targets are defined by their political activity) but in that case, the critical factor was what people do rather than what they are.  Very much at the heart of the French Revolution (1989), classicide was a feature of the “terrible twentieth century” and events able to be classified as such occurred in the Soviet Union under comrade Stalin (1878-1953; Soviet leader 1924-1953), during the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) in the PRC (People's Republic of China) under comrade Chairman Mao Zedong (1893–1976; chairman of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) & paramount leader of the PRC 1949-1976) and in Kampuchea under Pol Pot (Saloth Sâr; 1925–1998; dictator the communist (Maoist) state of Democratic Kampuchea (Cambodia) 1975-1979).  The related “social cleansing” (the removal of certain classes from certain places but (in theory) not involving mass killing) has the same relationship to classicide as ethnic cleansing has to genocide.

USS Defiant, the lead ship in the proposed Trump Class of guided missile cruisers to enter service in the 1930s.

The design has little in common with the historic battleships of the twentieth century but it's believed President Trump is drawn to the word "battleship" because they were the "biggest warships" he calls the Trump Class "battleships".  The future of surface fleets and their configurations is currently the subject of much discussion on the basis the likelihood of threats from massed swarms of autonomous or controlled UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles (drones)) may render them too vulnerable to risk.  

With machines, “class” came to be used of a “type” or “run” of units of similar (though not necessarily identical) units.  The practice pre-dated mass-production of consumer goods (on the model Henry Ford’s Ford (1863-1947) Model T (1908-1927) made famous) and most influential was the UK’s Royal Navy that in the 1870s & 1880s standardized the use of “class” for designs of capital ships, the convention being the name adopted was the first laid down (and usually, though not always, launched).  By the time of the coming of the upsurge in warship construction that marked the naval “arms race” of the early twentieth century, naval architects in many nations had adopted the scheme of designation.  The “class” referred not to a ship’s “type” but the set of design parameters (dimensions, weight, firepower, propulsion etc) distinguishing the ships from others.  With the smaller warships (destroyers, light cruisers etc), there might be a dozen or more of the class while the big ships (battleships, battlecruisers etc) typically were built in batches of no more than four and the occasional class did consist of a single vessel.  Because it was an “arms race”, ships could be approaching obsolescence not long after being launched and succeeding classes incorporated new innovations and, in the case of the battleships: more of everything, the most famous example being the Royal Navy’s Dreadnought, the first “all big-gun” battleship that rendered obsolete every battleship then afloat (including all others in the British fleets).

HMS Temeraire at anchor, 1909.  She was one of three Bellerophon-class Dreadnought battleships built between 1906-1909, all of which survived World War I (1914-1918) and were scrapped in 1921-1922.

Before navies crystallised the system of “class” warships had tended to be described by “rate” or “type” (first-rate ship of the line, frigate, corvette, etc) but individual names were invoked, phrases such as “ships of the Iron Duke type” or “the Majestic battleships” being common in oral use and routine in Admiralty documents.  So the concept of “classes” had crept in before the system was formalized and, in the late 1800s, it was three factors that encouraged the shift: (1) Industrialised naval construction (steam power, iron and steel hulls and increasingly capable machine tools made designs expensive meaning a run of standardized units was a way to amortize the investment), (2) Serial production (with an arms race in progress, navies were ordering more warships and, as Henry Ford soon would demonstrate, batches of machines with identical (or near-identical) specifications could be produced faster and more cheaply than bespoke creations and (3) Navies were becoming more bureaucratic (as the fleets expanded, so did the establishment & dockyard facilities and, with ships becoming more complex and maintenance intensive, Admiralties needed precise accounting, training, logistics, and doctrinal categorisation.  “Class” already had a long history in engineering (especially in railway workshops) and taxonomy so was the natural administrative solution and at the time, Britain was the world’s leading naval power so, as went the Royal Navy, others followed.

Classes on four wheels

BMW promotional shot of 1964 BMW 1800 Neue Klasse.

The monument in the background is the Siegestor (Victory Gate), located on the on the boundary between the districts of Maxvorstadt & Schwabing in Munich, Bavaria Germany.  Completed in 1852, it was commissioned by Ludwig I (1786–1868; King of Bavaria 1825-1848) to honor the Bavarian army but after suffering severe damage in World War II (1939-1945), it only narrowly avoided demolition.  BMW stands for Bayerische Motoren Werke (Bavarian Motor Works) and the company has been based in Barvaria since formation in 1910.

As body types and other forms of differentiation proliferated in the twentieth century, cars were often sorted into “classes”, variously by manufacturers, dealers, registration authorities or reviewers.  The categories used from time to time numbered in the dozens but literal use of the word “class” has been rare in formal nomenclature although terms like “the 1.5 litre class” or “the family car class” were and remain common.  BMW’s Neue Klasse (1962-1970) became well-known outside Germany as the company’s first “mainstream” product on four wheels BMW and although always appearing in English as “New Class”, the literal translation of Neuse Klasse is “new cash register”; given the significance of the range in restoring the company to profitability (in 1960 it was a loss-making concern on the verge of being sold to avoid a declaration of bankruptcy) and ensuring its survival, the true meaning wholly is appropriate.  BMW’s Neue Klasse’s range was neither innovative or especially distinctive but was well-executed and the specification was perfect for the a point in the Wirtschaftswunder (the post-war “economic miracle” experienced by the FRG (Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Federal Republic of Germany; the old West Germany, 1949-1990))) at which a critical mass of the middle class had become sufficiently prosperous to trade in their Volkswagen Beetle for something “a class above”, just as a decade earlier they’d shifted from a motorcycle to one of the “microcars” built by BMW and others that had in the 1950s “put Germany back on wheels”.

BMW 1800 TI/SA, 1965 24 Hour Race, Circuit de Spa-Francorchamps, Francorchamps, Stavelot, Wallonia, Belgium.

The Neue Klasse tag was never used by BMW; the cars always given a designation based on engine displacement (1500; 1600; 1800; 2000) and the range was important also as the ancestor of the 3 Series, since 1975 the model that internationally has been the backbone of the company’s sales.  The model was noted too for it being the first time a “Hofmeister Kink” appeared on a BMW; although the motif had been seen for more than a decade in both Europe and the US, it became such a brand signature it came to be named after Wilhelm Hofmeister (1912–1978), BMW’s design chief 1955-1970.  Although in the 1960s the company never Neue Klasse part of its corporate language, so enduring did it become that in the 2020s it’s its latest generation of EVs (electric vehicle) is now officially the BMW Neue Klasse.  With Chinese manufacturing of EVs seemingly a juggernaut and thus facing troubles potentially as serious those the original Neue Klasse surmounted, the Bavarians hope history repeats itself.

Mercedes-Benz W116, the first S-Class: 1976 450 SEL 6.9.

Unlike BMW, Mercedes Benz did with the release of the W116 (1972-1980) sedans formalize use, the S Class (Sonderklasse, sometimes abbreviated as S-Klasse and translated as “Special Class”) the first instance of what would later became a convention (S Class, E Class, C Class etc).  The new name also encouraged retrospective use, the earlier “big” sedans (W111/112 (1959-1968) & W108/109 (1965-1972)) also sometimes referred to thus although this was never adopted by the factory.  A landmark achievement in its time, the original S-Class was the first recognizably "modern" Mercedes-Benz sedan and its design elements would be carried forward for two decades.

Mercedes-Benz advertising.  Although never explicitly labelling previous models as "S-Class", the factory does like to to hint and frankly, by 2026, the past was looking better than the future.

Despite that, Mercedes-Benz has in S-Class advertising (the model now in its seventh generation, the W223 introduced in 2020) often shown an array of previous generations of its “big” sedans including models like the W111/112 & W108/109 which, in period, never carried the designation and even the 600 (W100, 1963-1981), a model in the Grosser rather than S-Class lineage.  Although as early as 1968, a distinct range of smaller sedans had augmented the W108/109, (the range expanded further in 1983 by an even more compact model), the now familiar nomenclature (C Class, E Class, S Class) wasn’t standardized until 1993 when the alphanumeric names were inverted (500E becoming E500 etc), a change necessitated by the proliferation of models rendering the old system (dating from the 1920s) so prone to ambiguity it has become unmanageable.

Newspapers, advertisers and readers

Before the internet did what it did, for centuries it was print publications (newspapers, magazines and other periodicals) that were the prime vector for the distribution of news, information and entertainment; film, radio and television all had their effects (television notably contributing to the extinction of most afternoon newspapers) but generally, much of the established print media and what was then the “new media” managed a form of peaceful co-existence that was sometimes synergistic, newspaper proprietors and editors quickly expanding their coverage of what appeared on television because that was what their readers wanted, some buying the copies for no other reason.  In those jurisdictions that allowed the same corporation to publish newspapers and operate television stations in the same market, the techniques of cross-promotion became highly refined.

Unlike many mass-produced products, selling more newspapers did not necessarily increase profits; it was a matter of what class of readers were attracted.

Newspapers and magazines were historically unusual because the cover (or even subscription) price charged often would not be enough to pay for the paper alone, let alone the overall cost of production & distribution.  What covered the costs and provided centuries of sometimes vast profits was advertising revenue and although readers tended to think of themselves as buying “a product”, in reality they were the product being delivered to advertisers, exactly the same strategy that works so well for Facebook, TikTok etc.  However, an additional layer of complexity for the print media was that unlike a manufacturer of widgets, increasing sales did not always translate to greater profits.  It’s true the accountants at the widget factory also had to calculate if the extent of additional demand made worthwhile an investment in increased production (ie a night shift, an additional production line or factory etc) but one simplicity was that every dollar paid by a widget buyer (rich or poor) translated on the balance sheet in the same way.  What made print titles unusual was not all buyers were created equal and while the dollars paid by poor people for their newspapers were banked in the same way and had the same nominal value, they weren’t of necessity “worth having” because selling newspapers to the poor (ie of a lower socio-economic class) could be counter-productive for the business model (ie the more you sold to them, the greater the loss).

In the West, mainstream newspapers by the mid twentieth century had become polarized, the “popular” (ie tabloid) titles at one end and the “quality” press (ie broadsheet) at the other.  Because commercial success depended on being able to deliver to advertisers the “right” readers, an industry of market research emerged to perfect the analysis of working out which titles delivered the “right audience at the lowest cost”.  This research was both quantitative & qualitative because it mattered much to advertising agencies whether a title’s buyer lived in the south east, owned two cars, played golf on Saturdays and took an annual overseas holiday or lived in the north, took the bus to a football match on Saturdays and never left the country.  In many ways, they were separate populations and while both demographics might be attractive to those wishing to advertise products, in many cases they’d be different products and in some, exclusive to each.  By combining this data with advertising rates, agencies were able to work out for their clients which media (print, radio, television etc) could deliver the desired market segment at the cheapest rates.  In the case of national newspapers, the segmentation that mattered most was social class and what evolved in the UK was a metric to handle these calculations.  Developed by the industry collective, JICNARS (Joint Industry Committee for National Readership Surveys, a body owned jointly by publishers, advertisers & agencies), because the occupation of a household’s main breadwinner (chief earner) largely determined the spending pattern of that household, social class was determined primarily the their jobs and for this purpose there were six classes:

Class A: The upper middle class (by the mid 1970s in the UK around 20% of all households) with the chief earner (head of the household) typically a successful businessman, professional (lawyer, doctor, chartered accountant etc) or senior civil servant, living in a large detached house or high-priced apartment.  At the time, that class included headmasters of large public (ie private) schools, executives near board level in large companies, leading figures in local government, newspaper editors, senior journalists, professors and Church of England bishops.  As that list indicates, by the 2020s, the composition of Class A shifted a bet.  For the JICNARS’s purposes, the “upper class” (the so-called “1%”) were included in Class A.

Class B: The middle class, then some 10% of households.  These were often people holding “senior” positions who were financially stable and living lives of “quiet respectability” and although with neither the incomes or accumulated wealth (or, not infrequently, debt) of the Class A members, the significance was that in manners and cultural matters, their tastes and habits often overlapped, meaning their attention was sought by the same advertisers.  The Class B membership included vicars, headmasters of smaller schools, senior executive officers in the civil service, university lecturers, matrons of smaller hospitals, pharmacists, directors of smaller companies and qualified librarians in charge of smaller libraries.

Class C1: Just over 15% of households, the C1 families were the lower middle class, trades-people (employed or self-employed) and non-manual workers, “white-collar” workers such as articled clerks, owners of small businesses, clerks, typists, telephonists, curates and nurses.  A recent trend has been a marginalisation of the white collar component of the C1s by a number of factors, most obviously technology although this is spreading upwards to B and even A more than downwards.  Of the trades, despite recent rises in their economic value to advertisers, they’re considered culturally static so while their purchasing power has increased, they don’t identify with AB tastes.

Class C2: Intriguingly, many of those in Class C2 (about a quarter of households) enjoyed higher incomes than many in the C1 cohort and this was because, as the skilled working class, their economic value was higher because they contributed directly (and measurably) to productivity in a way an accountant’s clerk did not.  The C2 membership included foremen, fitters, knitters, plumbers, shop assistants with supervisory responsibilities, pastry-cooks and prison officers.

Class D: Although it probably wasn’t true statistically, for the purposes of the JICNARS, those is Class D were considered all manual workers, semi-skilled or unskilled; that didn’t mean the latter had no skills, it meant to an economist those skills could be quickly learned and required no formal education or structured training.  Some 20% of households were in Class D and typical employment profiles would include labourers, fishermen, bus conductors, traffic wardens and window cleaners.

Class E: Some 10% of households, the Es operated at the “lowest level of subsistence” and survived through precarious, low-paid employment, petty crime and transfer payments; they would now be classed as “welfare-dependent”.  Although the membership was diverse, the JICNARS for illustrative purposes listed migrants, those with substance abuse issues, families of old age pensioners, widows and those dependent on social security.

Predictably, the 30%-odd of the population in Class A & Class B tended to buy the “quality” papers, titles like the Financial Times, The Times, The Daily Telegraph and The Guardian collectively drawing almost half their readership from the ABs, this declining to around 40% for the Sunday editions.  What this affluent readership did was attract high-priced advertising, enabling the titles to remain profitable despite a low cover price and circulations that were tiny compared with the mass-market tabloids.  Of note too is that it was these publications (along with The Economist (a newspaper that looks like a glossy magazine) that were most read by decision makers in government and industry.  So, it was the quality newspapers that tended to provide informed discussion on public issues, political affairs, business and the arts; although the record of their influence on public policy was patchy, what they tended to do was “set the agenda”, another attraction for advertisers.

What made the pre-internet newspaper business unusual was that there was sometimes a conscious attempt to reduce sales, a discussion usually not heard in boardrooms or among members of management committees.  In 1968, The Times had embarked on a major promotional drive and, using conventional techniques, sales indeed did spike and that was most pleasing until the research revealed some 60% of its readers were now in the undesirable C1, C2, D & E classes, something the advertising agencies to quick to notice.  Accordingly, the paper’s editorial direction shifted back, ensuring as many as possible of the intruders were shed and the bias towards the AB was restored.  Profitability was thus also improved because with each copy of The Times sold at a nominal loss (based on the cost of production & distribution), selling more made sense only if the rising readership attracted more high-value advertising.  With the less desired classes forming a majority of the leadership, not only were the traditional advertisers less attracted, those seeking to reach the C1, C2 and D classes (few except tobacco companies and their ilk chased the E class) were not willing to pay the high-rates charged by the Times.  The Times did not repeat the mistake and that different news appeared in different papers to attract different audiences was hardly surprising for as Evelyn Waugh (1903-1966) put it in Scoop (1938): “They all have different policies, so of course they have to give different news.”

Nye Bevan and his wife Jennie Lee (1904–1988), London, 1934.

Waugh’s point of course can be considered as a matter of both cause and effect because whatever might happen on a publications profit & loss statement, there are also political consequences.  Until scared off, more than one government in the post-war years proposed increasing public expenditure in a way that would increase the burden only on taxpayers earning 2-3 times the national average and, without exception, these have been criticized by the “quality” press, usually on the basis not of such a fiscal package being “unfair” but that it would “alienate the political centre”.  As the JICNARS understood, in electoral terms, this was highly improbable because only about 10-12% of the population would lose out in such a redistribution but that sliver of the electorate was in the AB Class at the centre of the quality press’s readership and this dictated the response.  In his book In Place of Fear (1952), the Welsh Labour Party politician Aneurin "Nye" Bevan (1897–1960) pondered: “How can wealth persuade poverty to use its political freedom to keep wealth in power? Here lies the whole art of Conservative politics in the twentieth century.”  As political parties came to understand, it was possible to convince the poor to vote against their own economic interests if the “culture wars” dangled before their eyes could be made to seem enough of a threat, thus the weaponization in the US of guns, God, pickup trucks, trans rights, abortion, gay marriage and much else.

Wednesday, May 27, 2026

Rigger

Rigger (pronounced rig-er)

(1) A person who rigs.

(2) A person whose occupation is the fitting of the rigging of ships.

(3) A person who works with hoisting tackle, cranes, scaffolding (the protective or supporting structures on or around construction sites) etc.

(4) A mechanic skilled in the assembly, adjustment, and alignment of aircraft control surfaces, wings, and the like (eg parachute rigger); a person skilled in the use of pulleys, lifting gear, cranes etc.

In rowing, a bracket on a racing shell or other boat to support a projecting rowlock or other fixed fulcrum.

(6) In digital animation, one whose occupation is to outfit a computer model with controls for animation.

(7) One who rigs or manipulates (an election, a market etc); a cheater.  A rigger need hot however be doing something unlawful; the gerrymander is a form of rigging electoral outcomes by manipulating divisional (constituency, electorate etc) boundaries, a process usually within the law, even if scandalously so.  

(8) A plastic bottle of beer, typically between with a volume between 1.0-2.5 litres (1-2.6 quarts) (New Zealand).

(9) In (usually graphic) art, a long, slender, pointed sable paintbrush for making fine lines etc; said to be so called from its use for drawing the lines of the rigging of ships.

(10) In the BDSM (Bondage, Discipline (or Dominance) & Submission (or Sadomasochism)) community, a person who applies (a word in this context with a wide vista) functional or artistic rope or strap bondage to another person's body (technical competence required because some role-playing activities involve a participant "hanging by a strap"); within the community, the coordinate terms are "rope bunny" & "rope bitch".

(11) A cylindrical pulley or drum in machinery.

(12) One whose occupation is to lift and move large and heavy objects (such as industrial machinery) with the help of cables, hoists and other equipment.

1490s: The construct was rig + -er.  Rig was from the Early Modern English rygge, probably of North Germanic origin and related to the Danish & Norwegian rigge (to bind up; wrap around; rig; equip), the Swedish dialectal rigga (to rig (harness) a horse) and the Faroese rigga (to rig; to equip and fit; to make function”).  The source was perhaps the Proto-Germanic rik- (to bind), from the primitive Indo-European rign- reig-, & reyg- (to bind) or it was related to the Old English wrīhan, wrīohan, wrēohan & wrēon (to bind; wrap up; cover) which are linked also to wry (to cover; clothe; dress; hide).  The late fifteenth century verb rig was originally nautical in the sense of "to fit (a ship) with necessary tackle; to make (a ship) ready for sea" and gained the extended sense of "dress, fit out with, furnish with, provide (with something) emerged in the 1590s; that of "to adjust, put in condition for use, set in working order" is from circa 1625.  Rigger is a noun; the noun plural is riggers.

The slang meaning "pre-arrange or tamper with results" is attested from 1938, although the noun rig (a trick, swindle, scheme) had been used as early as (1775) and, apparently unrelated was the meaning "sport, banter, ridicule" dating from 1725.  The phrase “to rig the market” was used, firstly in stock exchange slang and later more generally to convey the idea very familiar in modern times: "raise or lower prices artificially to one's private advantage".  One use as a verb which faded was that meaning "ransack", from the 1560s.  It’s strange rig & rigger took that long apparently top evolve given rigging was known as a verb meaning "action of fitting (a ship) with ropes” circa 1400 and as a noun meaning "the ropes that work the sails of a ship" from the 1590s but it may be rig and rigger in this context existed in oral use.  The use in nautical & naval architecture to describe the "distinctive arrangement of sails, masts etc on a ship; the characteristic manner of fitting the masts and rigging to the hull of any vessel" (without regard to the hull) was documented from at least 1769 although a number of sources insist the first use was in 1822, probably because that’s the earliest known reference in the archives of the UK's Admiralty.

By 1843, use of "rigger" had extended to costumes and clothing outfits (especially if as a fanciful description).  In engineering, it was widely used to describe just about any creation added for some purpose but was by 1831 most associated with horse-drawn vehicles and this was later adopted to refer to trucks, buses etc, a use still common today, especially for large units.  In oil extraction, the apparatus used for well-sinking was known as a rig as early as 1875.  Rig was 1570s slang for “a wanton girl or woman" which, although long obsolete had had the odd idiosyncratic revival; it was probably related to the also obsolete use from the same era describing "to play the wanton; to romp about" (the use as a word with which to disparage women probably has never been revived because men coined or re-purposed so many others; they're spoiled for choice).  As a noun, a rigger by 1610 was "one who rigs ships", that sense later adopted to describe aircraft mechanics (1912) and those employed on oil rigs (1949).  The –er suffix was from the Middle English –er & -ere, from the Old English -ere, from the Proto-Germanic -ārijaz, thought usually to have been borrowed from Latin –ārius and reinforced by the synonymous but unrelated Old French –or & -eor (the Anglo-Norman variant was -our), from the Latin -(ā)tor, from the primitive Indo-European -tōr.  The –er suffix was added to verbs to create a person or thing that does an action indicated by the root verb; used to form an agent noun.  If added to a noun it usually denoted an occupation.

Flying Cloud (launched 1851) (1921) drawing by George Robinson, National Maritime Museum, Greenwich, London.

“Square-rigged” ships are those with (approximately) square sails rigged onto horizontal spars attached to perpendicular masts, sitting therefore square to the keel.  The spars are known also as yards and their tips, beyond the last point of attachment (or stay) are called yardarms, the part of a rig associated with the phrase “hung (ie hanged) from the yardarm”, in folklore the Admiralty’s preferred means of executing death sentences though practiced less frequently than the legend suggests.  The square-rig formation evolved as the standard ocean-going form because, when sailing downwind, it’s aerodynamically the most efficient shape which survived into the steam age, many of the early steam-ships (including naval vessels) constructed as hybrids which combined powered propulsion with square-rigged sails.  To reduce running costs and carbon emissions, there’s now a renewed interest in using sails (or sail-like structures) on commercial vessels to augment the power from huge engines burning the notoriously dirty marine oil (which is essentially what's left over after refineries have extracted other products (gasoline (petrol), diesel, kerosene etc from crude oil)).  Square was from the Middle English square, sqware & squyre, from the Old French esquarre & esquerre, (which persists in modern French as équerre), from the Vulgar Latin exquadra, the construct being ex- (from Middle English, from words borrowed from the Middle French, from the Latin ex (out of, from), from the primitive Indo-European eǵ- & eǵs- (out)).  It was cognate with the Ancient Greek ἐξ (ex) (out of, from), the Transalpine Gaulish ex- (out), the Old Irish ess- (out), the Old Church Slavonic изъ (izŭ) (out) & the Russian из (iz) (from, out of).  The “x” in “ex-“, sometimes is elided before certain constants, reduced to e- (eg ejaculate)) +‎ quadro, from quadrus (square), from quattuor (four).

The square-rigger MGs

1949 Jaguar XK120 (1948-1954) OTS (open two seater, the company's term for a roadster) with aluminum  bodywork.  

Jaguar went to the 1948 London Motor Show thinking their big announcement would be the new XK engine, the twin-cam straight-six which faithfully would serve the line for the next forty-four years.  What instead stole the show was the test-bed, the roadster in which it was installed; it was a sensation, the reaction convincing Jaguar's management to put it into production as the XK120.  However, tooling-up a production-line, even for a relatively low-volume sports car, takes time so the first 242 XK120s were hand-built with aluminum bodies affixed to an ash frame atop a steel chassis substantially shared with an existing model.  The sensuous shape was a blending of the flowing lines of the company's pre-war SS-100 roadster with some touches of mid-century modernism but there was almost no stylistic debt to the old “square rigger” sports cars which evolved in the 1920s and 1930s, characterized by the upright, angular lines of its many disparate parts, the point of comparison being the classic big ships of the sail age.  The term came into use in the immediate post-war years to differentiate these old-style sports cars from the new, modernist generation, typified by the Jaguar XK120, which featured lower profiles and a curvaceousness which recalled the pre-war "streamliners".  From this stark contrast came the use of "square rigger" casually to apply to any sports car of the old style, the modern Morgans the last descendants.

1958 Citroën DS19 Décapotable Cabriolet d'Usine by French coachbuilder Henri Chapron (1886-1978).

In the post-war years, the term “square rigger” came most to be associated with the T-series MGs.  Replacing the P series which in two models had run between 1934-1936, the T series was, excluding the war years, in production between 1936 and 1955, the year Citroën introduced the DS (1955-1975) which provides a comparison to the still contemporary square rigger MGs as amusing as the XK120.  Somewhere during those two decades the cars descended into obsolescence but the attraction was in their charm and the entertainment delivered; it was an intimate and tactile experience which belied their miniscule power and performance which was, at least in a straight line, modest when compared even to mundane family cars of the era.  The popularity of the T-series in the early post-war US was at least partly accounted for by many US military personnel having been stationed in England between 1941-1945, whetting US appetites for the diminutive sports cars.    

MG PA Midget (1934-1935, 1973 built)

1934 MG PA Midget.

The P series Midget replaced the rather more exotic J series and although visually the relationship to previous models was obvious, the P was well-received and thought much improved.  The new OHC (overhead camshaft) 847 cm3 (52 cubic inch) in-line four cylinder engine attracted particular praise, the revised lubrication and induction system delivering the willing and lively character well suited to a sports car.  Knowing many customers would use them for competition, MG installed a strengthened four-speed gearbox and heavy-duty clutch, drivers assisted in their ability to harness the additional performance by brakes 50% larger.  It featured also one of the first safety innovations (a thing that would in decades to come become an accelerating trend), a flat-fold windscreen made from toughened non-discolorable “Triplex safety glass".

1935 MG PA Midget Airline coupé by H W Allingham of London.

The P series was offered in the colors which would come to be associated with the marque (Ulster Green, Dublin Green, Oxford Blue, Cambridge Blue, Carmine Red & Saratoga Red) but the most popular choice remained gloss-black.  The standard factory bodies were the two-seater roadster and four-seat tourer but specialist coachbuilders made available more elaborate DHCs (drophead coupés, best thought of as "cabriolets" with more emphasis on creature comforts than the pared-down roadsters) but the most memorable coachwork was that of Allingham’s Airline Coupé although, being as expensive as many larger, more practical vehicles, few were ordered.  At the time of release, the factory listed the two-seater at Stg£220 with the four-seater an additional Stg£20; the Airline cost Stg£290.

The three 1935 MG PAs of the "Dancing Daughters".  This was a MG publicity shot taken at the Brooklands circuit, prior to the team's departure for France.

Unlike many of its predecessors, the factory didn’t envisage a competition programme for the P series but a three-car team was entered in the 1935 Le Mans 24 hour endurance classic, driven by six young ladies; although it pre-dated second-wave feminism by some decades, all-female driving teams at Le Mans were not rare in the 1930s.  Managed by Captain George Eyston (1897–1979), an English engineer, and racing driver who between 1937-1939 thrice set the world LSR (Land Speed Record), the team was promoted as “Eyston's Dancing Daughters”, a reference to a popular BBC radio programme of the time which featured a troupe of teenage tap-dancers which sounds a challenging concept for radio although, in the studio, the girls were costumed skimpily “to get the atmosphere” so that must have helped.  That such outfits were tolerated in BBC House under the regime of the supposedly puritanical Sir John Reith (later Lord Reith, 1889–1971; BBC Director-General 1927-1938) might have surprised some but years after his death, his bisexuality was revealed so clearly the seemingly austere Scot got more fun out of life than previously was thought.  Those who knew Reith would never have suspected the secret of what had once gone on behind closed doors: In his controversial diary (published 1966), Lord Moran (1882-1977; personal physician to Winston Churchill (1875-1965; UK prime-minister 1940-1945 & 1951-1955) wrote of Reith as “…that gaunt old Covenanter…”  The Covenanters were a most uncompromising Scottish religious and political movement of the seventeenth century.

The Dancing Daughters and their PAs on the dock, awaiting shipment to France.  As this staged shot suggests, MG attached much importance to the publicity possibilities afforded by their all-female entry.

The six attracted much attention from the press (although one of the even then nasty Fleet Street tabloids was casually dismissive of them as “bright young things” despite all having solid credentials in racing) and the three cars lasted the 24 hours which was far from typical (in 1935, 29 of the 58-strong field was classed DNF (did not finish)).  It was certainly a testament to the toughness of the little machines, the only “mechanical” issue requiring the attention of the pit crew a blown taillight bulb suffered by car #55 and one thing which did work in the team's favor was the wet weather.  Although driving in the rain, seated in an open cockpit protected only by a small “aero-screen” (the windscreens not fitted to gain aerodynamic advantage) was not ideal, the conditions did suit the the cars, the light, nimble PA Midgets less affected than heavier machines.    

Car #55 during a refueling stop, Le Mans, 1935.  For pit crews, fireproof suits and other safety gear was many years away.

The results however were modest, the PAs under-powered for a circuit with such long straights and the team completed 152 or 153 laps compared with the 222 of the victorious Lagonda M45 Rapide.  Competing in the 751-1100 cm3 class, car #56 (Joan Richmond (1905–1999) & Eva Gordon-Simpson (1901–1980)) finished 24th & 9th in class; car #55 (Doreen Evans (1916–1982) & Barbara Skinner (1911–1942)) 25th & 10th in class and car #57 (Margaret Allan (1909–1998) & Corinne Eaton (1909-2005)) 26th & 11th in class.  Given the arduous circuit and more powerful opposition it was a reasonable achievement but corporate expectations may have been higher for within weeks chairman Lord Nuffield (William Morris, 1877–1963) closed the MG Competitions Department, racing activities not resumed until the 1950s.    

MG PB Midget (1935-1936, 525 built)

1936 MG PB Midget.

The Le Mans experience in part prompted the more powerful PB which was introduced in 1935, the engine enlarged to 939 cm3 (57 cubic inch) and a close ratio gearbox was fitted.  There were detail changes too, one of which a consequence of an early example of environmental legislation.  In 1935, fearing an ancient species was under threat, the US government banned the export of Sequoia redwood timber so the PB’s dashboard was instead finished in the walnut more familiar to UK customers.  Very much a transitional model, the PB was available only briefly but its debut depressed interest in the PA to the extent not even a substantial discount was enough of an inducement to buyers so the factory converted the two-dozen odd remaining PAs to PBs (a tactic Shelby American later would revisit to sell left-over 1969 Mustangs as 1970 models), both variants sold for the same Stg£222.  Production of the PB ended in February 1936.

MG TA Midget (1936-1939, 3,003 built)

1937 MG TA Midget.

Corporate restructurings are nothing new and nor is the tyranny of the cost-accountant.  In 1935, the MG Car Company was sold to Morris Motors and in the inevitable agonizing reappraisal which ensued, MG lost its autonomy, reduced to a corporate brand and one expected to deliver a better return on capital: profits had to be higher.  The first sacrifice had been the competition department, followed almost immediately by the MG design office and the cancellation of the spirited little OHC engine which had given the PA & PB so much of their sporting character.  It was a harbinger for the spirit of rationalization would over decades spread and eventually drive almost all the UK’s motor industry to extinction or into foreign hands.  Under new management, the design imperatives were now profitability, simplicity of production and uniformity in parts to maximize interchangeability between ranges.  All those things are now taken for granted but at the time of acquisition, in many aspects, MG was still something of a cottage industry and while charming, it was a method of operation not suited to the economy of the troubled 1930s.   

1938 MG TA DHC by Tickford.

The purists were thus not hopeful but the T series, released in 1936 was the first in a successful line which would be in production for a dozen-odd years, the run till 1955 interrupted only by six war years during which MG’s industrial capacity was given over to military needs.  The T might not have had the OHC engine but the OHV (overhead valve) unit which replaced it, although borrowed from a pedestrian little saloon, was a larger 1292 cm3 (79 cubic inch) and generated some 50 HP, a useful increase over the 36 & 43 the P series engines had managed and delivered it in a more effortless manner than its smaller predecessors which actually made it more suitable for both the road and in competition.  Longer and wider, the T was much more spacious and hydraulic brakes were a welcome addition, all for the same Stg£222 as the PB, something which reflected the improvements in manufacturing efficiency wrought by the corporate restructuring.  There were of course a few purists who lamented no longer being able to use their skills to coax the maximum from the highly strung OHC engine but they were a dying breed belonging to the same crew that loved the challenge of straight-cut gears and thought synchromesh effete.   

1936 MG TA Midget Airline coupé by H W Allingham of London.

The T series made the Midget suddenly quite civilized although, as part of the rationalization, the factory's offering was limited to a single two-seat roadster but separate chassis were still supplied to coachbuilders, allowing Tickford (the brand of Salmons and Sons (1830)), to produce some 250 elegant DHCs with such luxuries as wind-down windows, full carpeting and a clever "three-way" convertible top which could be closed, partially opened or fully thrown back.  The Airline style was reprised by Allingham, Whittingham & Mitchel and Carbodies and although much-admired, being still expensive, only a handful were built.  Despite the misgivings, the T proved a great success and was built until 1939 when it was replaced by the TB which included a new engine which would become one of the most storied in MG’s history: the XPAG.

MG TB Midget (1939, 379 built).

1939 MG TB Midget.

By May 1939, war clouds were gathering over Europe and Finnegans Wake by James Joyce (1882–1941) was published.  Into this strange and uncertain environment, MG released the TB, visually apparently as little changed from the TA as the PB had been from its predecessor but under the louvered hood (bonnet) now sat the new XPAG engine which would until 1955 power just about every MG made and provide numerous builders of race cars with a light, robust and tuneable power-plant, one which would see some of the specials in which one was installed exceed 150 mph (240 km/h).  Over the years, with forced aspiration and other modifications, extraordinary power outputs were achieved, the tough little engine able to withstand supercharging at pressures which broke many others.  Totally new, although at 1250 cm3 (76 cubic inch) slightly smaller, there was now a bigger bore which allowed higher engine speeds and thus a "sportier" state of tune but, under the government's dopey calculation of the time (based on cylinder bore), attracted a higher tax-rate.  With the introduction of the TB, the designation TA was applied to the earlier car which hitherto had been known simply as the T series, the same act of retrospective re-christening which had turned P into PA.  The TB was priced at Stg£225 for the 2 seater and Stg£270 for Tickford’s DHC but there would be no more of the exquisite Airlines. 

1939 MG TB Midget.

The XPAG restored some of the character of the old OHC engine, the bigger bore and shorter stroke delivering the maximum 55 HP at 5,250 rpm against the 4,500 rpm of the TA, performance generally improved in all aspects and made easier to exploit with the fitting of a new four-speed gearbox which included synchromesh on all but the lowest ratio.  The TB was in production for only a few months before the declaration of war in September; the brochures for the 1940 model-year were actually ready for printing and the range had been announced when production was abruptly halted after 379 had been completed.  Rapidly, the Abingdon factory was cleared of all the machinery of car assembly and devoted for the duration to parts for aircraft, machine guns and the servicing of tanks and trucks.  In hibernation for six years, the TB would return in what would prove to be a new world and it would be called the TC. 

MG TC (1945-1949, 10,001 built).

1947 MG TC.

On both sides of the Atlantic, the cars released in the early post-war years were almost all barely revised versions of those last available before the outbreak of hostilities.  The MG TC, the first of which left Abingdon in 1945 actually was structurally more different from the TB than most of the cars of 1945-1946 were from their predecessors of 1939-1941 because the passenger compartment had been widened by four inches (100 mm), creating additional interior space without the need otherwise much to alter the body or chassis.  Other than the up-scaling and some detail mechanical and electrical upgrades, it was essentially a re-birth of the same basic design as the TA of a decade earlier.  Despite that, just resuming production to the extent of the few dozen examples completed before the end of 1945 was something of an achievement given the chronic shortages of components, steel and other raw materials.

1948 MG TC.

Immediately, the TC proved a success.  Although the new Labour Party government  (1945-1951) was as "socialist" as the UK ever got to enjoy, it was also "realist" and understood the parlous state of the nation’s finances.  For this reason it extorted the manufacturing sector with the simple mantra “export or die” and MG responded, much early TC production allocated to the export trade.  The volume of sales to the Commonwealth’s southern dominions (Australia, New Zealand & South Africa) had been expected because these had been receptive markets in the pre-war years but what proved a pleasant surprise was demand from the United States and Canada, triggered it was suspected by the number of returning servicemen who had so enjoyed or at least yearned for the little sports cars during their wartime service stationed in the UK.  Although only 2,000 of the 10,001 TCs made went to the US, the interest was enough for the factory to do a run of US-specific models and it was the TC which whetted the American appetite for small sports cars.  In the 1950s, MG and others would benefit from what became something of a craze, one which the square-riggers and their successors would for decades exploit, success enduring long after the what was being sold was obviously obsolescent.

1950 MG TC EUX.  Although none left the factory with supplementary headlights, the Lucas Flamethrowers were a popular dealer-fitted and after-market accessory.

The “US-specific” run of TCs was a batch of 494 (some sources claim 492 or 493) EXU models produced in 1948-1949 (the EXU designation (which in the original factory documents appears also as EX-U) simply a clipping of “Export-USA”).  The variation in specification from the standard TC was a response to feedback from customers and the US dealer network, most notably in the high-density markets of Los Angeles and San Francisco, the changes making the tiny machines (and their passengers!) a little less vulnerable in urban use.  Although the bumpers fitted to US cars had not yet been forced to adopt the "battering ram-like" dimensions which would be mandated in the 1970s, even then they were big, with the additional danger of potentially intrusive dagmars so every little bit of protection helped.  The EXU feature-set included: (1) full-width chrome bumper-bars with over-riders (similar in style to those which would appear on the later TD) with MG’s octagonal medallion in the centre of the back bar, the license plate mounts front & rear centrally mounted, (2) twin taillights, (aligned with the top of the gas (petrol) tank)), flashing turn indicators (activated by a switch in the centre of the dash), (3) slightly smaller headlight housings fitted with the seven inch sealed-beam units mandated by a US law (an industry-protection mechanism (the bill reputedly written by the industry)) which for decades condemned US drivers to suffer inferior headlights) and (4) twin Lucas Windtone horns located under the hood on either side of the battery box.

1950 MG TC EXU, showing correct steering wheel and seven inch headlights.

Like all TCs, the EUXs were all RHD (right hand drive) and although the last left the factory in 1949, some were registered in the US as 1950 models.  Calibrated to 105 mph (169 km/h), the speedometer was rather optimistic for a machine usually reported as having a top speed of 77 mph (124 km/h) but the robust XPAG engine was highly tuneable and, with the right gearing, a TC could go much faster.  In Australia, one dubbed the "Red Cigar" was in 1954 fitted with a Marshall Nordec J 75 supercharger and magneto ignition, the top speed claimed to be 115 mph (185 km/h), a pace assisted by the usual weight reduction measures and some attention to aerodynamics.  For the driver, there was laminated windscreen glass, a steering wheel with a gold pearl finish rather than the traditional black, the rear view mirror mounted atop the dashboard, two map lights and the positions of the ammeter, oil-pressure gauge, ignition and light switches were changed.  Although in the collector market “special models” are highly valued and attract a premium, the EXU accounted for almost a quarter of the TCs sold in the US so they're really not "rare" but there is a following for the survivors which have all the model-specific bits still in place, the headlights and bumper-bars often having been removed because so many came to be used in competition; for those seeking more speed, the weight reduction was a quicker and cheaper path than extracting more power and didn’t risk sacrificing the famous reliability.

MG TD (1949-1953, 29,644 built)

1950 MG TD.

The TD was the most popular of the T series and was the model which both established the brand in the US and encouraged others to realize the sports car craze was real and thus a market segment to explore.  From what General Motors initially regarded as the improbable success of the TC and TD would come first the tentative toe in the water that was the Chevrolet Corvette show-car of 1953 and long line of production cars which, over eight generations since 1953, continues to this day.  The TC however was, even before being discontinued in 1949, a museum-piece, if an entertaining one, and it was clear that for MG further to succeed in the US market a more modern interpretation of the sports car would be required.  The budget was limited but the culture of simplicity of production and uniformity in parts to maximize interchangeability between ranges now proved advantageous, a small team allocated to develop a prototype using mostly what fell immediately to hand.  In what was a master-class in improvisation, they shortened by five inches (127 mm) and then stiffened the chassis of a MG YA saloon, grafted on an independent front suspension & rack and pinion steering, made the changes necessary to ensure it could easily be made with either left or right-hand drive and overlaid a (slightly) modernized rendering of the TC’s body.  The design team would have preferred to create something more sophisticated and certainly something which looked more contemporary but, given the constraints under which they worked, the TD was a good result, both as a piece of engineering and, more critically, one that made commercial sense.

1952 MG TD.

If the look remained archaic, underneath, the changes were transformative and they needed to be.  The TC’s platform was little changed from the cars of the 1930s, that had been a mere refinement of a decade-old concept; while antiquated even compared to its stop-gap contemporaries of 1945-1949, it looked prehistoric against the new generation of models which emerged early in the 1950s.  The TD’s saloon-based chassis was hardly innovative but was rigid and well-executed with a modern arrangement for the independent front suspension and a rear-end which accommodated additional travel by sweeping the frame up over the axle instead leaving it underslung while the XPAG engine differed in being derived from that used in Y type so included its improvements to lubrication and attached accessories.  The most obvious change was to the body (substantially revised for the first time since 1936) and, while the stylistic legacy was apparent, it was was considerably wider and thus more spacious.  Structurally, the engineering was carried-over, body panels still mounted on a traditional wood-frame of English ash.

1953 MG TD.

A mix then of old and new as many products are.  Even though not one body-panel was unchanged and the interior fascia was new, the aesthetic still was recognizably square-rigger with cutaway doors, separate flowing front wings, running boards, stand-alone headlamps and the characteristically upright MG radiator with vertical slats.  As had been the motif since the 1920s, a centrally hinged hood, an exposed, slab-sided fuel tank and a rear-mounted spare wheel carrier maintained the period-look.  Where modernity's intrusion was unobtrusive, such as the independent front suspension, it was welcomed but some changes attracted criticism from a few.  The sturdy chromium plated bumper-bars added weight which it had be MG’s practice to avoid but reflected the needs of the US market where sales overwhelmingly were in urban areas, owners sharing roads and parking spaces with domestic automobiles equipped increasingly with substantial bumpers made from heavy gauge steel, rigidly mounted to the chassis or frame, the protruding dagmars then approaching their fullest expression.  Also controversial were the smaller diameter, pressed-steel disc wheels which replaced that sports car staple, the TC’s tall, spindly spoked wire-wheels.  It was again the intrusion of the rationalists.  Because different wire-wheels would have had to be made to accommodate the arms and links of the rack and pinion steering, the corporation refused to authorize the design, tooling and production for a part unique to one model.  The disc wheels actually offered advantages, being much easier to clean and not as prone to the damage and distortion the wire wheels suffered when used on secondary roads.  In the years since, some have been unable to resist the charm of spokes and many TDs have been retro-fitted with wire wheels.

1952 MG TD (Eduardo Muñoz) following 1953 Porsche 1500 (Rezende Dos Santos), Vuelta de Aragua Road Circuit, Aragua State, Venezuela, 14 June, 1953.

The TD was much improved but as usual, there was a price to be paid.  Weighing some 200 lbs (90 KG) more than the TC while enjoying only the same 54 HP, the TD was less lively than its predecessor, something a change in gearing only partially disguised so for those who wished for more, in 1950 the factory made available a "competition" version with a higher compression ratio, 62 HP delivered, a useful increase of more than 10%.  Officially, the "competition" TD was sold only in markets where high-octane gas could be purchased at the pump but dealers entered into arrangements with the factory so those with access to supplies of avgas (aviation fuel) could enjoy the experience.  However, few bought TCs for their outright performance numbers and the increasing gulf between them and the ever more powerful vehicles increasingly surrounding them seems not to have much dampened demand, customers flocking to buy TDs upon its debut in 1949 and over a four-year run some thirty-thousand would be built, most destined for the US market, sales encouraged greatly by Sterling in September 1949 being devalued to US$2.80, an adjustment of around a third, correcting the absurd post-war maintenance of the Stg£1=US$4.03 peg set in 1940.  In period (and for years afterwards), a popular update in the US was a supercharger although, very much in the hot rod tradition, conversions to use cheap and numerous flathead Ford V8s were not unknown.

MG TF (1953-1955, 9600 built).

1953 MG TF 1250.

The TF was the last of the square-riggers.  It was also an accident of history, the result of corporate intrigue within the BMC (British Motor Corporation, 1952-1966) conglomerate of which MG was one, small part and, even at the time, it was no secret the TF was a stop-gap model there to fill the showrooms with something (sort of) new before the arrival of the much anticipated MGA.  What had happened was representatives from corporate stablemate the Healey company reached the BMC boardroom with a proposal for their new 100 before MG's men got there to make the case for the MGA and the board, thinking it a bad idea to release at the same time two similar vehicles, put the MGA on hold.  It was emblematic of the way business would be done at BMC and the many successor corporations; Healey had pipped MG by several days, history for centuries recording how such luck influences the way events get to unfold.  Thus evolved the TF, a just slightly less-square rigger launched into the age of the Citroën DS and Porsche 356; even the Triumph TR2 of the time making cutaway doors look less archaic.  The TD obviously couldn’t be made to look modern and the facelift it gained to bridge the gap between the square riggers and the sleek MGA was a quick job, essentially grafting the streamlining techniques of the 1930s to the once upright front, the headlamps fared into the wings, the same expedient Morgan had that same year been forced to adopt when Lucas advised there would no longer produce the separate housings; without the demand from MG, the economics of scale to maintain the product (in the low volume Morgan would absorb), no longer existed.  Mechanically, so little-changed was the TF that it could have be thought the TD Mark II had the appearance not so differed.  Visually refined with a sloping grill that for the first time concealed a separate radiator, the hood now sloped forward, something achieved by lowering the radiator housing by 3½ inches (90 mm) in relation to the top of the scuttle (cowl), the view from the screen that of a Hawker Hurricane compared to the Supermarine Spitfire-like TD.  The front wings with the now partially integrated headlamps were themselves fared into the hood's sides in conventional streamlining style while the rear end gained modifications to the fuel tank and spare wheel mounting which resulted in a neater finish.  In a nod to tradition (and perhaps to divert criticism from traditionalists), the revised facia panel re-gained the octagonal instrument pods of the pre-war years, a nostalgic touch very well received, as was the return of the option of wire-wheels. 

1955 MG TF 1500.

The TF in 1953 was released using the faithful 1250 cm3 XPAG engine which dated back to the TB Midget in 1939 and there were many who hoped for and expected more.  Whatever aerodynamic improvement the streamlining had delivered, the TF was still barely able to top 80 mph (130 km/h) while the Triumph TR2 tempted many with the lure of the then rare “ton”: 100 mph (160 km/h).  It was still an appealing drive with fine road-holding and handling but was, by any standards, sluggish.  Of this the factory were well aware and engineers discussed exotic solutions such as aluminum components to improve the power to weight ratio but it didn’t take much thought to work out the solution was that the Americans had taught: "there is no substitute to cubic inches".  In mid 1954, the TF 1500 was released, using a 1466 cm3 (89 cubic inch), big-bore version of the XPAG, now designated XPEG, power increased to a more useful 63 HP.  While it didn’t permit the TF to match the pace of the TR2 or other competition, almost 90 mph (145 km/h) was now possible and the XPEG did stimulate demand, almost all the 3,400 TF 1500s shipped to the US.  Probably not many in the US would much have been impressed by the idea of an additional 13 cubic inches but these things are relative (in US terms it was something like the difference achieved with Ford englarged their 302 cubic inch (4.9 litre) Windsor V8 to 351 (5.8)). 

MGA (1955-1962, 101,970 built)

MG Factory Competition Team with three MGAs (EX 182), Le Mans, 1955.  No women drivers on the team this year.

The TF was the end of MG’s square-rigger era, the introduction in 1955 of the MGA both long awaited and much overdue.  Neither mechanically nor stylistically was it ground-breaking and even during its lifetime would come to be thought old fashioned but at the time of release the sensuous, flowing lines were much admired and in the decades since, appreciation has increased, the MGA today a desirable and attainable classic.  It was powered by a 1489 cm3 (91 cubic inch) version of the corporate 'B' series engine and as, a design exercise, had actually been finalized some two years before being introduced, slated to replace the TD before corporate politics prevailed.  By 1955, it had been intended to announce the MGA and use three pre-release cars (code-named EX 182) to contest the Le Mans 24 hour race in June.  That was thwarted by delays in the supply of parts so the three were forced to compete as prototypes rather than in the production class for which they'd been prepared.  Against the more formidable competition of pure race cars, success was unlikely but reliability was proved, one finishing an outright twelfth and the team finished a creditable fifth and sixth in their class although everything was overshadowed by the horrific crash that year at the sixth hour which killed 84 (the race allowed to continue, something which now astonishes), one of the MGs involved in the aftermath of the disaster.  Encouraged, three were entered in September’s RAC Tourist Trophy in Ulster, the fifth round of the FIA (Fédération Internationale de l'Automobile (the International Automobile Federation) which in 1955 hadn't yet descended to being world sport's dopiest regulatory body) World Sports Car Championship, two with experimental DOHC (double overhead camshaft) engines, a configuration which later and unhappily would figure in MGA history.

1957 MGA 1500 Roadster.

First shown at the 1955 Frankfurt Motor Show, the MGA 1500 was an immediate success; 58,750 (52,478 roadsters and 6,272 coupés) built between 1955-1959, the great bulk of which were exported, the US again the most popular destination.  In 1956, the roadster was augmented by a FHC (fixed head coupé) which, in a sign of the times, included many of the refinements saloon buyers had come to expect including wind-up windows and lockable door handles which, while appreciated luxuries, did make the FHC about 100 lb (45 KG) heavier so acceleration suffered slightly but, such were the vagaries of aerodynamics that top speed increased a little, a well tuned FHC able to attain the magic ton which just eluded the roadster, the owners of which turned to the multitude of tuners if they wanted more.

1957 MGA 1500 FHC.

Having earlier boosted the 1500 from 68 to 72 HP, the factory in 1959 again gave owners more, the engine enlarged to 1588 cm3 (97 cubic inch), the new model named MGA 1600, the additional 6 HP and the more relevant 17% increase in torque meaning the “ton” was now topped by all models and there was a dramatic improvement in braking, vastly superior (and really overdue) discs fitted at front.  Revisions to the suspension were part of normal product development but what was much appreciated on the roadster were the removable, sliding side windows in Perspex, which now sounds primitive but were quite an improvement on the celluloid flaps used on the 1500. Production of the MGA 1600 totalled 29,007 (28,730 roadsters and 277 coupés).  In 1961, for the MGA’s swansong, capacity was again enlarged, this time to 1622 cm3 (99 cubic inch), additional internal changes boosting power to 90 HP, top speed now a heady 106 mph (170 km/h) and to mark the change, the factory designated the 1622-equipped cars as MGA Mark II, production of which ran to 8,719 (8,198 roadsters and 521 coupés).

The other MGA.  Lindsay Lohan in bucket hat with optical disc at MGA Entertainment's (Micro-Games America (1979)) Bratz, 2003 Teen Choice Awards, Universal Amphitheatre, Universal City, California.

Actually, there was also another MGA, the IBM Monochrome Graphics Adapter (1981), the original PC graphics display which transformed the lives of the spreadsheet jockeys who were starting to live their lives inside the Lotus 1-2-3 environment.  What MGA meant was these number-crunching nerds could now see their digits on one screen and their charts on another, something which in the 2020s sounds routine but in the early days of Ronald Reagan's (1911-2004; POTUS 1981-1989) administration, was a revolution in the accounting profession.  The dual-monitor thing would go mainstream in the next century but MGA came first and the trend to two screens among accountants was paused only with the release in 1982 of the HGC (Hercules Graphics Card) which supported a simultaneous display of text and graphics.  After MGA, IBM continued to define  video standards with the release of EGA (Enhanced Graphics Array, 1984) and VGA (Video Graphics Array, 1987) but at that point things fragmented, third party suppliers developing their own specifications for SVGA (Super VGA) and IBM's subsequent releases such as XGA (eXtended Graphics Array, 1990) never became universal.  VGA (640 x 480) remains the in-built default used as a LCD (lowest common denominator) by many manufacturers of laptops and desktops, systems able to display in this resolution even in the absence of a driver appropriate for a monitor or video card.    

MGA Twin Cam (1958-1960, 2111 built).

1959 MGA Twin Cam Roadster.

In the English way of things, the most famous and celebrated of the MGAs is the least successful and the one at the time damned a failure.  The first MG since the OHC PB in 1936 not to use an OHV power-plant, the DOHC Twin Cam used an engine not fitted to any other car and in that sense of uniqueness ranks with the Triumph Stag in the annals of British engineering failures although the MG's problems were at least (sort of) excusable given the analytical tools of the time and, as ultimately transpired, easily fixable, unlike Triumph’s tragically flawed V8.  Although not used in the production MGA Twin Cam until 1958, the DOHC engine had enjoyed a long development, the basic design completed in 1954 and two prototype versions were in 1955 fielded for the RAC Tourist Trophy in Ulster; while on that occasion not successful, the factory wasn’t deterred, refining the concept and using them to set world speed records in various classes in 1956 & 1957.  Critically however, most development work was in high-speed competition rather than the conditions under which most motorists operate their cars on public roads.  Using the 1588 cm3 block, the DOHC “B” series was in the then classic mold of small-displacement European high-performance engines: an aluminum cross-flow, DOHC cylinder head operating valves angled at 80o in hemispherical combustion chambers with a high compression ratio.  Twin 1¾ inch SU carburetors fed the induction while, on the opposing side, an imposing exhaust manifold boasted separate downpipes for each cylinder.  The impressive specification yielded a healthy 108 HP @ 6700 rpm and top speed was rated at 113 mph (180 km/h), testers reporting sparkling acceleration at all but the lowest speeds.  Cognizant of the pace, the factory fitted disc brakes on all four wheels and this time, wire wheels weren’t even optional, the required Dunlop Road Speed tyres suitable only for the ventilated Dunlop centre-lock disc wheels.  Radically different though it was under the skin, there were few visual differences to distinguish the Twin Cam from its more mundane cousins, an approach Mercedes-Benz would later adopt for its 300 SEL 6.3 (W109, 1968-1972) and 450 SEL 6.9 (W116, 1975-1981) Q-ships.  Only the purposeful wheels, discreet Twin Cam badges and some details changes to the interior (including a tachometer and speedometer that accommodated the higher limits) provided the external visual clues.

1959 MG Twin Cam FHC.

Like the Stag, the Twin Cam attracted praise upon release and, like the Stag, reliability issues soon surfaced.  Reports emerged first of excessive oil consumption which fouled spark plugs and the factory experimented with several variations of piston rings before settling on the replacement of the top chrome ring with one of cast iron and a scraper with an expansion ring; these changes resulted in normal oil consumption.  What was not solved until the Twin Cam had been discontinued was what ruined its reputation and doomed the engine: the propensity to burn holes in the top of pistons #3 or #4.  Applying conventional wisdom, the factory first retarded the ignition timing, then, assuming owners were (contrary to operating instructions) using cheaper, lower octane petrol, lowered the compression ratio from 9.9:1 to 8.3:1, both changes reducing power in the quest for reliability, a trade-off well-known to engineers.  The sacrifice however failed to solve the problem and pistons continue to fail.  What baffled the engineers was they were unable to replicate the issue in their tests, even under sustained and extreme loadings.  Their tests however, while imposing demands beyond what any road car would endure, were performed usually in a workshop, on a static test-bed.  By mid 1959, the factory gave up and the Twin Cam was withdrawn from sale, the engineers not discovering the cause until 1960 and those findings they chose not to publicize.  Later,  amateurs would trace the problem to resonant vibration which, under conditions encountered when actually driving (as opposed to what happens under extreme load on a test-bed), at certain engine speeds, the SU carburetors would suffer foaming of the fuel in the float chamber; this caused the fuel/air mixture to run lean, greatly increasing the heat in the combustion chamber causing the hottest of the aluminum pistons (the rearward pair) to begin to melt.  The solution was no more complex than the insertion of flexible, vibration isolating mounts between the intake manifold and carburetors.  It would have been a cheap and simple fix.

1959 MGA Twin Cam FHC.  Whatever the flaws in implementation, the DOHC engine had a classic look.

In 1960, MG's engineers had reached the same conclusion.  After disassembling several engines, they noted the balance of the units was well below the levels of precision they had specified as a result of testing the prototypes, the production engines exhibiting two periods of natural vibration around 3200 and 5600 rpm.  With the stock gearing (fitted to most Twin Cams), that range coincided with what were then typical highway cruising speeds.  So, they returned to the test bed and, instead of pushing the engines beyond their limit, instead ran them to the point of vibration and found the float on the rear carburetor would hang on its spindle and not drop, inducing a lean mixture that when combusted, melted metal.  In minutes they improvised a flexible mounting using nothing more exotic than some thin sheet-rubber (fitted in conjunction with Thackery washers) but the solution came too late, the discontinued Twin Cam’s reputation too sullied for a revival.  A decade on, a similar tale would be told of Norton’s lusty 750 Commando Combat.  It was a shame because the MGA Twin Cam was a fine machine but the reputation doomed not only it but any chance of a DOHC MGB appearing.  Of course the engine the MGB (1962-1980) deserved was Daimler’s 2.5 V8 and the possibility was at times there but never pursued. 

1962 MGA 1600 Mark II “Deluxe” Roadster.

So only 2,111 Twin Cams were sold (1788 roadsters and 323 coupés).  Making the best of a bad situation, the factory used the residual stockpile of Twin Cam bits and pieces (other than the engine) and created some up-graded models often referred to as the “DeLuxe” and while MG never formerly applied the designation, shameless dealers advertised them as the “Deluxe”, "De Luxe” or De-Luxe”.  Production was limited by the availability of parts and only 82 1600s were built (70 roadsters and 12 coupés), along with 313 of the upgraded Mk II 1622 (290 roadsters and 23 coupés).  Except for the Dunlop wheels and four wheel disc brakes, there was no universal specification, some using a genuine Twin Cam chassis, some with the “hybrid” competition shell and a mix of other options while many were essentially standard MGAs differing only in the wheels and brakes.  Because of the rarity and upgraded specification, the “Deluxe” models are now second only to the Twin Cam in desirability and, all else being equal, the more "gear" that's fitted, the more collectable the specimen.

1959 MG MGA Twin Cam “Competition” Roadster (left) and the wood-rimmed steering wheel supplied as part of the Competition package (right).

The factory also built a reputed 50 MGA Twin Cams equipped with a “Competition” package.  Intended for privateer entrants, the package included much of what had been used in factory-supported racing such as the lower, more sloped windscreen, more supportive leather seats, a close-ration gearbox linked to a differential with a 4.55:1 final drive ration and a lovely, wood-rimmed steering wheel.  As well as saving a little weight, the lower windscreen was the most obvious way to improve aerodynamics, the reduced frontal area said to increase top speed by 3 mph (5 km/h) although it did mean neither a soft-top or hard-top could be fitted, the tonneau cover offering the only protection from the elements (as well as some reduction in drag).  Usually, vehicles used in racing have engines assembled with unusual care and attention but because the MGA Twin Cam’s critical flaw manifested only when cruising on freeways within a certain speed range lower than would be experienced on race tracks, were that to be the exclusive use, it was not essential for them to be augmented with flexible mounts which prevented the vibrations and subsequent melting of the pistons.

Thackery washer with wave.

A Thackery washer is a specialized form of spring washer and in engineering jargon, the “kink” in the centre section usually is described as a “wave” or “undulation” although over the years there’s being a bit of “terminological inflation”, “notched” and “wave bend”, “offset bend”, “spring convolution” and “waisted section” have all been documented; the punchy “wave” seems the best choice.  What the wave does is create the axial spring compliance that lends a Thackery washer both its locking and preload characteristics.  They were factory-fitted on several places on MGAs and definitely one with a ⁵⁄₁₆ bore should be used in conjunction with the flex-mounts for the carburettors, the specific compression achieved by tightening to leave 25-40 thousandths of an inch (0.635 mm) between the coils.  Were non-waved spring washers to be used, the requisite degree of flatness would not be achieved and the stresses induced would thus be higher.  This should also been done on MGA Twin Cams used in competition (and is critical if they’re also driven on the road).  It’s an unusual quirk of the engine that “extreme conditions” are encountered not on race tracks at full throttle but while serenely cruising at 60-70 mph (95-110 km/h).

1962 MGA Deluxe Mark II roadster with "side screens" fitted (they were a considerable advance on the dreaded, flexible "side curtains").

What came to be called the “MGA Deluxe” was first advertised as “MGA with Competition Suspension option” (described in the factory parts books also as “All Round Disc Brakes model” or “All Wheel Disk Brakes model”) and that was reasonable because the configuration of those first built used the Twin Cam chassis but fitted with an OHV engine.  The platform did however have to be modified so the combination of the Twin Cam type master cylinders and the OHV style radiator and heater unit could both be fitted, thus the variations in the shape of the heater shelf and the radiator mounting.  As a quirk, an uncertain number of the very early–build “Deluxe” models included the removable vent panels in the front inner wings, presumably only those produced before residual Twin Cam stock was absorbed.  Production of the roadster & coupé versions proceeded over two years, during which the 1600 Mark II was introduced and many included some or all of an extensive range of equipment including the Road Speed tyres, “competition seats”, close ratio gearbox, radio, badge bar (then a big thing in England) and some of the roadsters had a bolt-on hard-top (the desirable aluminium unit by Vanden Plas and, when stocks of those were exhausted, the fibreglass version).

1962 MGA Deluxe Mark II roadster with the much admired aluminum hard-top by Vanden Plas.

All the “Deluxe” run included the oil cooler and anti-sway bar so, considering the higher level specification and price, “Deluxe” was as good a name as any and for those who prefer the rarest of anything, with only 35 of the build being coupés, that model was the MGA with the lowest build number.  The 395 "Deluxes" came at the end of MGA production, the last of both the standard and “Deluxe” editions leaving the line in June 1962 and that 395 were built was a product of the Twin Cam venture prematurely being aborted.  According to the factory’s records, MG contracted with Dunlop for the supply of at least 2,500 “kits” (intended as the “first batch”) containing the wheels and disc brake apparatuses so when the Twin Cam was dropped there were some 400 kits in the warehouse; the “Deluxe” model was concocted just to absorb these parts and thus recoup the cost.  Presumably MG must have had more parts on hand because some would have been retained as spares but definitely the “Deluxe” was a “model of necessity” and other manufacturers later would use the same trick.