Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Authentic. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Authentic. Sort by date Show all posts

Tuesday, June 13, 2023

Authentic

Authentic (pronounced aw-then-tik)

(1) Something not false or copied; genuine; real.

(2) Having an origin supported by unquestionable evidence; authenticated; verified: with certified provenance.

(3) Representing one’s true nature or beliefs; true to oneself or to the person identified.

(4) Entitled to acceptance or belief because of agreement with known facts or experience; reliable; trustworthy.

(5) In law, executed with all due formalities; conforming to process.

(6) In music (of a church mode and most often applied to the Gregorian chant), having a range extending from the final to the octave above.

(7) In music (of a cadence), progressing from a dominant to a tonic chord.

(8) In musical performance, using period instruments and historically researched scores and playing techniques in an attempt to perform a piece as it would have been played at the time it was written (or in certain cases, first performed).

(9) Authoritative; definitive (obsolete).

1300–1350: From the Middle English authentik & autentik (authoritative, duly authorized (a sense now obsolete)), from the Old French autentique (authentic; canonical (from which thirteenth century Modern French gained authentique)), from the Late Latin authenticus (the work of the author, genuine ( which when used as a neuter noun also meant “an original document, the original”), from the Ancient Greek αθεντικός (authentikós) (original, primary, at first hand), the construct being αθέντης (authéntēs) (lord, master; perpetrator (literally, “one who does things oneself; one who acts independently (the construct being aut(o-) (self-) + -hentēs (doer)) + -ikos (–ic) (the adjective suffix)), from the primitive Indo-European root sene- (to accomplish, to achieve).  The alternative spellings authentical, authentick, authenticke & authentique are all archaic.  Authentic is an adjective (and a non-standard noun), authentically is an adverb, authenticity & authentification are nouns, authenticate, authenticating & authenticated are verbs; the most common noun plural is authentifications.

The modern sense of something “real, entitled to acceptance as factual” emerged in the mid-fourteenth century and synonyms (depending on context) include true, veritable, genuine, real, bonafide, bona fide, unfaked, reliable, trustworthy, credible & unfaked.  As antonyms (the choice of which will be dictated by context and sentence structure) the derived adjectives include: non-authentic, inauthentic & unauthentic (the three usually synonymous but nuances can be constructed depending on the context) and the curious quasi-authentic, used presumably to suggest degrees of fakeness, sincerity etc).  Inauthentic from 1783 is the most often used and thus presumably the preferred form and in this it competes also with phony, fake, faux, bogus, imitation, clone, impersonation, impression, mimic, parody, reflection, replica, tribute, reproduction, apery, copy, counterfeit, ditto, dupe, duplicate, ersatz, forgery, image, likeness, match, mime, mimesis, mockery, parallel, resemblance, ringer, semblance, sham, simulacrum, simulation, emulation, takeoff, ripoff, transcription, travesty, Xerox, aping, carbon copy, echo, match, mirror, knockoff, paraphrasing, parroting, patterning, representation & replica & the rare ingenuine.  The verb authenticate (verify, establish the credibility of) dates from the 1650s and was from the Medieval Latin authenticatus, the past participle of authenticare, from the Late Latin authenticus; the form of use in the mid seventeenth century was sometimes “render authentic”.  The noun authenticity (the quality of being authentic, or entitled; acceptance as to being true or correct) dates from the 1760 and replaced the earlier authentity (1650s) & authenticness (1620s).

Beware of the inauthentic: The authentic Lindsay Lohan (left) and the Grand Theft Auto's (GTA 5) ersatz (right), a mere "generic young woman".

Concurring with the 2016 ruling of the New York County Supreme Court which, on appeal, also found for the game’s makers (Take-Two, aka Rockstar) , the judges, as a point of law, accepted the claim a computer game’s character "could be construed a portrait", which "could constitute an invasion of an individual’s privacy" but, on the facts of the case, the likeness was "not sufficiently strong".  The “… artistic renderings are an indistinct, satirical representation of the style, look and persona of a modern, beach-going young woman... that is not recognizable as the plaintiff" Judge Eugene Fahey wrote in his ruling.  Judge Fahey's words recalled those of Potter Stewart (1915–1985; associate justice of the US Supreme Court 1958-1981) when in Jacobellis v Ohio (378 U.S. 184 (1964) he wrote: I shall not today attempt further to define… and perhaps I could never succeed in intelligibly doing so.  But I know it when I see it…”  Judge Fahey knew a basic white girl when he saw one; he just couldn't name her.  Lindsay Lohan's lawyers did not seek leave to appeal.

The game’s developers may have taken the risk of incurring Lindsay Lohan’s wrath and indignation because they’d been lured into a false sense of security by Crooked Hillary Clinton (b 1947; US secretary of state 2009-2013) not filing a writ after a likeness of her appeared on GTA 4’s (2008) Statue Of Happiness which stands on Happiness Island, just off the coast of Liberty City.  The Statue of Happiness was a blatant knock-off of the New York’s Statue of Liberty and crooked Hillary became a determined and acerbic critic of Rockstar and the GTA franchise after the “Hot Coffee” scandal.  That controversy arose after modders promulgated a code which in GTA: San Andreas’ release (2004) unlocked a hidden “mini-game” which allowed players to control explicit on-screen sex acts.  Men having sex with women with whom they don’t enjoy benefit of marriage is a bit of a sore point with crooked Hillary, then a US senator (Democrat-NY), who embarked on a campaign for new regulations be imposed on the industry and the most immediate consequence was the SSRB (Entertainment Software Rating Board) launching an investigation, subsequently raising GTA: San Andreas’ rating from “M” (Mature) to “AO” (Adults Only 18) until the objectionable content was removed.  For those who wondered if the frightening visage on the GTA 4 statute really was what some suspected, the object’s file name was “stat_hilberty01.wdr”.

Roskstar's Statue Of Happiness in GTA 4 (2008, left) and an official photograph of crooked Hillary Clinton (right). 

Rockstar seeking vengeance was understandable because crooked Hillary’s moral crusade proved tiresome for the company.  Once the ESRB had been nudged into action, crooked Hillary petitioned the FTC (Federal Trade Commission) to (1) find the source of the game's “graphic pornographic and violent content”, (2) determine if it should be slapped with an AO rating and (3) “examine the adequacy of the retailers' rating enforcement policies.  Not content, she then announced she’d be sponsoring in the Senate a bill for an act which would make it a federal crime (with a mandatory US$5,000 fine) to sell to anyone under 18, violent or sexually explicit video games; the Family Entertainment Protection Act was filed on 17 December 2005 and referred to the Committee on Commerce, Science and Transportation, where quietly it was allowed to expire.

While the act slowly was being strangled in committee hearings, the FTC and Rockstar reached a settlement, the commission ruling the company had violated the Federal Trade Commission Act (1914) by failing to disclose the inclusion of “unused, but potentially viewable” explicit content” (that it was enabled by a third party was held to be “not relevant”).  The settlement required Rockstar “clearly and prominently disclose on product packaging and in any promotion or advertisement for electronic games, content relevant to the rating, unless that content had been disclosed sufficiently in prior submissions to the rating authority” with violations punishable by a fine of up to US$11,000.  In the spirit of the now again fashionable Calvin Coolidge (1872-1933; US president 1923-1929) era capitalism, no fine was imposed for the “Hot Coffee incident”, presumably because the company had already booked a US$24.5 million loss from the product recall earlier mandated.

Real & fake appears as simple and obvious a dichotomy as black & white but humanity has managed over the millennia to create many grey areas in many shades, thus the wealth of antonyms and synonyms for “authentic”.  Authentic now carries the connotation of an authoritative confirmation (which can be formalized as a process which culminates with the issue of a “certificate of authenticity” although the usefulness of that of course depends on the issuing authority being regarded as authentic.  Genuine carries a similar meaning but in a less formalized sense and in some fields (such as the art market), something can simultaneously be genuine yet not authentic (a painting might for example be a genuine seventeenth century oil on canvas work yet not be the Rembrandt it was represented to be; it’s thus not authentic).  The word real is probably the most simple term of all and can often be used interchangeably but unless what’s being described is unquestionable “real” in every sense, more nuanced words may be needed.  Veritable was from the Middle French veritable, from the Old French veritable, from the Latin veritabilis, from vēritās (truth), the construct being vērus (true; real) + -tās (the suffix used to form abstract nouns).  The traditional of use in English however means veritable had become an expression of admiration (eg “she is a veritable saint”) rather than a measure of truthfulness or authenticity.

Other nuances also organically have evolved.  Authentic now implies the contents of the thing in question correspond to the facts and are not fictitious while genuine implies that whatever is being considered is something unadulterated from its original form although what it contains may in some way be inauthentic.  This is serviceable and as long as it’s not used in a manner likely to mislead is a handy linguistic tool but as Henry Fowler (1858–1933) noted in his A Dictionary of Modern English Usage (1926), it was an artificial distinction, “…illustrated by the fact that, “genuine” having no verb of its own, “authenticate” serves for both”.

Degrees of authenticity: 2016 Jaguar XKSS (continuation series)

In 2016 Jaguar displayed the first of nine XKSS "continuation" models.  In 1957, Jaguar had planned a run of 25 XKSSs which were road-going conversions of the Le Mans-winning D-type (1954-1956).  Such things were possible in those happier, less regulated times.  However, nine of the cars earmarked for export to North America were lost in fire so only 16 were ever completed.  These nine, using the serial numbers allocated in 1957 are thus regarded as a "continuation of the original run" to completion, Jaguar insisting it is not "cloning itself".  The project was well-received and the factory subsequent announced it would also continue the production run of the lightweight E-Types, again using the allocated but never absorbed ID numbers.  Other manufacturers, including Aston Martin, have embarked on their own continuation programmes and at a unit cost in excess of US$1 million, it's a lucrative business.

In the upper (or at least the most obsessional) reaches of the collector car market, the idea of “authenticity” is best expressed as “originality”.  As early as the 1950s when the market began to the process of assuming its present form, originality was valued because many of the pre-war machines first to attract interest (Bentley, Rolls-Royce, Lagonda etc from the UK, Duesenberg, Stutz, Cadillac etc from the US and Mercedes-Benz, Isotta Fraschini, Bugatti etc from Europe) had over the years receive different coachwork from that which was originally supplied.  At the time however, the contemporary records suggest that if a rakish new body had replaced something dowdy, it was a matter for comment rather than objection.  Nor were replacement engines and transmissions thought objectionable as long as they replicated the originals, there then being an understanding things wear out.  Those mechanical components were however among the first to come to the attention of the originality police and “matching numbers” became a thing, every stamped component with a serial number (engine blocks & heads, transmission cases, differential housings etc) which could be verified against factory records, made a car more collectable and thus more valuable.  It was a matter of originality which came to matter, not functionality which mattered; a newer, better engine detracted from the value.  In some cases originality was allowed to be a shifting concept especially with vehicles used in competition; if a Ferrari was found to be on its third engine, that was fine as long as each swap was performed, in period, by the factory or its racing team.

That exception aside, it’s now very different and, all else being equal, the most authentic collectable of its type is the one most original.  These days collectors will line up their possessions in rows to be judged by “certified judges” who, clipboards in hand will peak and poke, ticking or crossing the boxes as they go.  They’re prepared to concede the air in the tyres, the fuel in the tank and the odd speck of dust on the carpet may not be what was there when first the thing left the factory but points will be deducted for offenses such as incorrect screw heads, or a hose clap perhaps being installed clockwise rather than anti-clockwise.  Sometimes a variation from the original can’t be detected, even by a certified judge.  If a component (without a verifiable serial number) has been replaced with a genuine factory part number, if done properly that will often get a tick whereas a reproduction part from a third-party manufacturer will often have some barely discernible difference and thus get a cross.

An Elite Marti Report including the factory option list and door data plate info, reproductions of the door data plate & window sticker and personalized production statistics.  All these are supplied mounted on a board (in Ford matte blue) installed in a 16 x 20 inch (405 x 508 mm)" black frame.

Given the money which churns around the market, there’s a bit of an informal industry in faking authenticity and with some vehicles it is actually technically possible exactly to take a mundane version of something and emulate a more desirable model; the difference in value potentially in the millions.  In some cases however, even if technically possible, it may be functionally not: If it’s notorious that only ten copies were produced of a certain model and all have for decades been accounted for, it’s not plausible to possess an eleventh. However, there are instances where the combination of (1) the factory not maintaining the necessary records and (2) the vehicle itself not being fitted with the requisite stampings or identification plates to determine exactly what options may originally have been fitted.  However, even if documented and thus "authenticated", there can still be pitfalls.  In the collectable market for vehicles (Ford, Lincoln & Mercury) produced in the US by the Ford Motor Company (FoMoCo) between 1967-2017, the gold standard is the service offered by mechanical engineer Kevin Marti's (b 1957) Marti Auto Works.  That company has been licensed by FoMoCo to generate reports detailing the specification (mechanical, trim, options) on the day it left the factory, all data grabbed directly from Ford's databases.  Available at three price-point (Standard, Deluxe & Elite), a Marti report is a valuable resource for both buyers and sellers.  However, what the reports provide is what is in the database and that reflects the specification with which a vehicle should have been built and while the phrase "Monday & Friday cars" (popularized by Arthur Hailey's (1920-2004) novel Wheels (1971)) shouldn't be taken literally, its currency in the era was an indication mistakes did happen on car production lines and, given the factories were every day producing them in the thousands, that should not be a surprise.  QC (quality control) inspections meant many E&O (errors and omissions) were rectified but some did slip through and while most were minor enough to be corrected by dealers, if the buyer was content to be appeased with a partial refund or credit, a vehicle could enter the wild with a specification in some way different from what was recorded in FoMoCo's database.  Only a comparatively tiny number of such vehicles each year appeared but if a vehicle represented as "original" or "matching numbers" varies in some detail from the authoritative Marti Report, a seller will benefit if in possession of additional explanatory documents.  As a footnote, the reason Ford's records prior to 1967 are not available is because the company "destroyed" the granular data. 

An authentic 1967 Chevrolet SS 427.

Because of the way the data details were recorded on the tags attached to Chevrolet’s vehicles during this era it can be difficult for collectors always to verify a car, as represented, is in quite the form it was when first it emerged from the factory.  Quite a few 1967 Impalas have been modified to “become an SS 427” and it can take an expert to authenticate the real thing, the difference in value between an original and a replication being tens of thousands of dollars (in US$).  Fortunately, there are many experts and they are called upon when there's a need to verify a SS 427 is indeed the real thing (the model achieving 2,124 sales in 1967, 1,778 in 1968 and 2,455 in its swansong season in 1969).  The 1967 Chevrolet SS 427 is now a collectable but it’s also a pedant’s delight because (1) although Impala-based it’s not by most treated as an Impala (this is contested) and (2) there was also a 1967 Impala SS 427 which is similar but not identical; technically, the SS 427 was a full-sized Chevrolet with RPO (regular production option) Z24.  In collector terms, the things were not especially rare but the ecosystem of Chevrolet’s full-sized SS range was by then in decline; from a peak of almost 240,000 SS Impalas in 1965, volumes just two years later had fallen by some by over 80% to just 40,000 as customer interest shifted to the smaller, lighter pony cars and intermediates.  It was a trend affecting all manufacturers and even before the muscle car era ended, the high-performance, full-sized segment would be driven to extinction, not by government pressure or edict but by lack of interest.

An authentic 1967 Chevrolet SS 427 cockpit.

Chevrolet’s SS (Super Sport) option was released in 1961 as a bundle available for Impalas with high-performance V8s: it featured both suspension modifications and dress-up items including unique body and interior trim, power steering, power brakes with sintered metallic linings, full wheel covers with a three blade spinner, a passenger grab bar, a console for the floor shift, and a tachometer on the steering column.  In that year, Chevrolet built close to half a million Impalas but only 453 buyers (a scant 142 of whom selected the top 409 cubic inch (6.7 litre) engine) opted for what was (at US$53.80) the bargain-priced SS package, an indication the marketing needed to be tweaked.  The problem was that Chevrolet had intended the 1961 SS live up to its name and it was available only with the 348 (5.7) & 409 V8s which could be quite raucous and were notably thirstier than many were prepared to tolerate, even then.  What dealers noted was how buyers were drawn to the style but put off by the specification which demanded much more from the driver that the smaller-engined models which wafted effortlessly along, automatic transmissions by now the default choice for most Impala buyers.

So the sales barrier was the implication of the costs attached to the SS bundle rather than the attractiveness.  The headline number of US$53.80 actually included only the "spinner" wheel covers, SS badges, a shiny floor plate for the four-speed's shifter and a Corvette-style grab-bar for the glove-box (Ralph Nader (b 1934) noted that one).  However, ticking the SS option box triggered a list of "mandatory options" (a seeming oxymoron Detroit came to adore) including wider tyres (with compulsory narrow-band whitewalls), PAS & PB, (power assisted steering & power brakes), LPO (Limited Production Option) 1108 (Police Handling Package, a bundle including HD (heavy-duty) suspension components and sintered metallic brake linings), a steering column mounted 7000 rpm tachometer and a padded dashboard (the last little more than reassuringly decorative and unlikely much to impress Mr Nader).  Having agreed to pay for all that, the buyer then had to decide whether to opt (at progressively increasing cost) for the 348 (with 305, 340 or 350 horsepower (HP)) or 409 (360 HP).  The Powerglide two-speed  automatic transmission was available only with the mildest of the 348s, further limiting the sales potential, the three or four-speed manual otherwise obligatory.  In 1961, it was much more expensive to buy a SS Chevrolet than the US$53.80 on the brochure suggested and however pleasing, it was a long way removed from Chevrolet's traditional place as the low-priced rung on the "Sloan ladder".  The decision was thus taken for 1962 to make the "show" available without the "go" and the SS became an "appearance package", available with even six-cylinder engines.  Sales skyrocketed and between 1962-1969 some 920,000 SS packages were sold for the full-sized line; it was for years a handy revenue sub-centre.   

An authentic 1967 Chevrolet SS 427.

GM had noted the dress-up bits were just Chevrolet part-numbers which could be ordered by dealers, some of which received customer requests separately to fit the trim pieces so some 1961 Impalas did to some extent resemble the SS cars though without the high-performance equipment.  Thus from 1962 the SS option became widely available and consisted of bling and accessories, able to be ordered with even the most modest engines.  Splitting the market between drag-strip monsters and boulevard cruisers which could be made to look much the same proved a great success.  It was obvious there were more buyers who wanted their Impala to look like a a fast one than were able or prepared to pay for the experience and Chevrolet’s “SS appearance package” proved influential, the approach becoming a a template for the whole industry, spreading internationally, the Porsche 911T Lux (1972-1973) an example.  The entry level 911T was the least powerful of the range and lacked some of the luxury fittings of the more expensive and more powerful 911E & 911S but for those who wanted the fittings but had no desire (or willingness to pay) for the horsepower, the 911T Lux was created which combined the mechanical specification of the "T" with the trim of the "S", the factory doing exactly what so many of Chevrolet's SS customers settled on after 1962.

An authentic 1967 Chevrolet SS 427.

Starting in 1967, beyond the standard-issue SS models, buyers could also choose the SS 427 model (RPO Z24) but confusingly, an Impala SS could be ordered with the 427 cubic inch (7.0 litre) V8 a situation which continued until the 1969 model year when, according to Chevrolet, only the SS 427 was available despite the company that year adding the “Impala” badges not used on the SS 427s in 1967 & 1968.  It’s little wonder the big-bodied 427s of those three years confuse many.  The flavours of the 427 V8 offered over the years also bounced around: For 1967, officially, only the 385 horsepower (HP) L36 was available, the choice the next year extended to the L36 (390 HP) & L72 (425 HP), that pair augmented in 1969 by the LS1 (335 HP).  Typically however, there is a wrinkle in the history because a handful (a reputed 11) of the cars were in 1967 assembled (to "special order") with the L72 Turbo-Jet 427 (425 HP; solid valve lifers; Holley 4-barrel carburetor; 11.0:1 compression ratio); these are most sought-after of the 1967 SS 427s.  Curiously a triple-carburetor option had been scheduled to appear on the 1967 SS 427 (and the Camaro) but both were cancelled after one of GM’s many corporate edicts, the three simulated stacks on the hood (bonnet) a relic of the late change of plans.

Rear-seat "leaping impala" emblem in an authentic 1967 Chevrolet SS 427.

According to Chevrolet's fall 1966 brochure the SS 427 was: “The ’67 Super Sports by Chevrolet” which sounds definitive but whether the 1967 & 1968 SS 427s are really Impalas still is discussed between two factions, both with entrenched positions and it's unlikely minds ever have been changed.  It’s something like the 1948 debate about the existence of God between British Jesuit priest & historian of philosophy Frederick Copleston (1907–1994) and noted atheist, British mathematician & philosopher Bertrand Russell (Third Earl Russell, 1872–1970): When someone with a sincere belief debates with someone with a sincere lack of belief, opinions are unlikely to change.  One faction argues that because no “Impala” badge appears anywhere on the 1967-1968 cars then obviously they're not Impalas while the other points out that in every other aspect they're obviously Impalas before playing their trump card: the stylized “leaping impala” emblem, prominently which sits in the middle of the rear seat.  So it’s a matter of whether “symbol trumps (lack of) text” which seems one of the industry’s more sterile debates though it has never gone away and that the Impala badge returned for 1969 presumably can be interpreted to afforce the theories of either side.  Nothing in the VIN (vehicle identification number) reflects whether a full-size Chevrolet is a SS 427 or another model so an original build sheet and/or window sticker with the vital Z24 reference will be the best evidence.  There are now many 1967-1969 SS 427 "clones" (fake, faux, tribute, reproduction & replica the other terms used depending on circumstances and claims asserted) and the authentication of what's genuine and what's not is a minor industry in the collector market. 

Authenticity in art 

Christ with the Woman Taken in Adultery (1942), oil on canvas by Han van Meegeren (1889–1947) following Johannes Vermeer (1632–1675).

The matter of authenticity is obviously important in the art market.  Usually the critical factor is the identity of the artist.  In May 1945, immediately after the liberation from Nazi occupation of the Netherlands, the authorities arrested Dutch national Han van Meegeren (1889–1947) and charged him with collaborating with the enemy, a capital crime.  Evidence had emerged that van Meegeren had during World War II (1939-1945) sold Vermeer's Christ with the Woman Taken in Adultery to Hermann Göring (1893–1946; prominent Nazi 1922-1945, Reichsmarschall 1940-1945).  His defense was as novel as it was unexpected: He claimed the painting was not a Vermeer but rather a forgery by his own hand, pointing out that as he had traded the fake for over a hundred other Dutch paintings purchased (frequently transactions of dubious legality) earlier by the Reichsmarschall, he was thus a national hero rather than a Nazi collaborator.  Understandably, the judges were sceptical but, in the courtroom, he provided a practical demonstration of his skill, added to his admission having forged five other fake "Vermeers" during the 1930s, as well as two "Pieter de Hoochs" all of which had shown up on European art markets since 1937.  He convinced the court and was acquitted but was then, as he expected, charged with forgery for which he received a one year sentence, half the maximum available to the court.  He died in prison of heart failure, brought on by years of drug and alcohol abuse.

His skills with brush and paint aside, Van Meegeren was able successfully to pass off his 1930s fakes as those of a seventeenth century painter of the Dutch Golden Age (not all critics agree Vermeer should be classified an "artist of the baroque" despite the timing) because of the four years he spent meticulously testing the techniques by which a "new" painting could be made to appear, even to experts, centuries old.  The breakthrough was getting the oil-based paints thoroughly to harden, a process which occurs naturally over fifty-odd years, his novel solution being to mix the pigments not with oil but the synthetic resin Bakelite.  For his canvases, he used genuine but worthless seventeenth-century paintings, removing as much of the picture as possible, scrubbing carefully with pumice and water, taking the utmost care not to lose the network of cracks, the existence of which would play a role in convincing many expert appraisers they were authentic Vermeers.  Once dry, he baked the canvas and rubbed a carefully concocted mix of ink and dust into the edges of the cracks, emulating the dirt which would, over centuries, accumulate.

Authentically guilty as sin: Hermann Göring in the dock, Nuremberg, 1946.

Modern x-ray techniques and chemical analysis mean such tricks can no longer succeed but, at the time, so convincing were his fakes no doubts were expressed and the dubious Christ with the Woman Taken in Adultery became Göring's most prized acquisition, quite something given the literally thousands of pieces of art he looted from Europe.  One of the Allied officers who interrogated Göring in Nuremberg prison prior to his trial (1945-1946) recorded that the expression on his face when told "his Vermeer" was a fake suggested that "...for the first time Göring realized there really was evil in this world".

So the identity of the painter matters, indeed, between 1968-2014, there was a standing institution called the Rembrandt Research Project (RRP), an initiative of the Nederlandse Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek (the NOW; the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research), the charter of which included authenticating all works attributed to the artist (Rembrandt Harmenszoon van Rijn (1606-1669).  That was a conventional approach to authentication but there are others.  In the West there’s a long standing distinction between “high art” and “popular art” but not all cultures have that distinction and when the output of artists from those cultures is commoditised, what matters is ethnicity.  In Australia, the distinctive paintings categorized as “indigenous art” have become popular and are a defined market segment and what determines their authenticity is that they are legitimately and exclusively the work of indigenous artists.  The styles, of which dot painting is the best known, are technically not challenging to execute and thus easy to replicate by anyone and this has caused where non-indigenous hands have been found (or alleged) to be involved in the process.

The Times (London), 8 March 1997.

In 1997, Elizabeth Durack (1915–2000), a Western Australian disclosed that the much acclaimed works of the supposed indigenous artist “Eddie Burrup” had actually been painted by her in her studio, Eddie Burrup her pseudonym.  To make matters worse, prior to her revelation, some of the works had been included in exhibitions of Indigenous Australian art.  Although noted since the 1980s, the phrase “cultural appropriation” wasn’t then widely used outside of academia of activist communities but what Ms Durack did was a classic example of a representative of a dominant culture appropriating aspects of marginalized or minority cultures for some purpose.  Sometimes (perhaps intentionally) misunderstood, the critical part of cultural appropriation is the relationship between the hegemonic and the marginal; a white artist creating work in the style of an indigenous, colonized people and representing it in a manner which suggests it’s the product of an indigenous artist is CA.  Condoleezza Rice (b 1954; US secretary of state 2005-2009) playing Chopin on a Steinway is not; that’s cultural assimilation.  Once the truth was known, the works were removed from many galleries where they had hung and presumably the critical acclaim they had once received was withdrawn.  Both responses were of course correct.  Had Ms Durack represented the works as her own and signed them thus that would have been cultural appropriation and people could have responded as they wished but to represent them as the works of someone with a name all would interpret as that of an indigenous artist was said by some to be both cultural appropriation and deceptive & misleading conduct with all that that implies.

One of the photographs run by the Murdoch-owned daily newspaper The Australian in a report on the involvement of white people in the production of "indigenous paintings", April 2023.

More recently, there have been accusations white staff employed in a commercial gallery where indigenous Australian artists are employed to create paintings have been influenced, assisted or interfered with (depending on one’s view) in the production process.  According to the stories run in the Murdoch press, a white staff member was filmed suggesting some modification to an artist although whether this was thought to be on artistic grounds or an attempt to make something more resemble "what sells best" isn’t clear.  However, in a sense the motive doesn’t matter because the mere intervention detracts from the authenticity of the product, based as it is not on the inherent artistic merit but on the artist being indigenous.  In that the case was conceptually little different from Göring’s “Vermeer” which for years countless experts in fine art had acclaimed as a masterpiece while it hung in Carinhall, an opinion not repeated as soon as its dubious provenance was revealed.  Nor is it wholly dissimilar to the case of the replica 1962 Ferrari 250 GTO which is essentially a carbon copy of one of the 40-odd originals made (indeed it was in some ways technical superior) yet it is worth US$1.2 million while the record price for a genuine one was US$70 million.  So for a product to be thought authentic can depend on (1) that it was created by a certain individual, (2) that it was created by a member of a certain defined ethnicity or (3) that it was created by a certain institution.

Salvator Mundi (Savior of the World, circa 1505), oil on walnut by Leonardo da Vinci (1452–1519).

In art, authenticity is precious in more than one sense.  Salvator Mundi, the critics admit, is not an exceptional painting but once authenticated as the work of Leonardo, it created its own exceptionalism, in 2017 becoming the most expensive painting ever sold at public auction, attracting US$450 million when offered by Christie's auction house in New York.  The criteria for assessing the works of indigenous artists is also beneficial for them because unlike mainstream art, they’re not assessed as good or bad but merely as authentically indigenous or not.  That’s why there are no bad reviews of indigenous art or performance because (1) the concept is irrelevant, (2) such an idea is claimed to be alien to indigenous peoples and (3) if expressed by white critics would represent the imposition of a Western cultural construct on a marginalized group.  Dot paintings and such are marketed through the structures of the art market because physically they’re similar objects (size, weight etc) to other paintings but they’re really modern, mass-produced artefacts which depend on provenance as much as a Chevrolet SS 427, Ferrari 250 GTO, Leonardo or Vermeer.

Sunday, March 28, 2021

Kosher

Kosher (pronounced koh-sher)

(1) In Judaism, a legal definition of food fit or allowed to be eaten or used, according to the dietary or ceremonial laws of the of the Talmud; in conformity with canonical texts or Rabbinical edict, the kosher rules can be applied also to non-food items such as clothing.

(2) In Judaism, adhering to the laws governing such fitness.

(3) In informal use (without any religious connotations), proper, legitimate, genuine, authentic.

1851: From the From Yiddish כּשר‎ (kosher), from Hebrew כָּשֵׁר‎ (kāshēr, kasher and kashruth) (right, fit, proper), the Yiddish reflecting the original meaning.  In the US, in the mid-nineteenth century, the forms kasher & coshar were also in use and beyond the Jewish community, the use as a general verbal shorthand for proper, legitimate, genuine, authentic etc dates from 1896 or the 1920s depending on source although it’s only “kosher” (the original, simplified form of the Hebrew) which endured thus.  Kosher is a verb, adjective & adverb, kosherness is a noun, kosherize, koshering & koshered are verbs and kosherly an adverb.  Because the state of kosherness is a matter of fact under the rules of the Talmud, the adjectives nonkosher & unkosher are often used though whether there are nuances which dictate the choice of which (or even if any such nuances are consistent) isn’t clear.  Although it’s grammatically non-standard, kosher & non kosher are sometimes used as nouns.  Even among those who tend to work in English or an English-Yiddish mix, the transitive verb “to kasher” is commonly used to describe the preparation of food to conform to Jewish law.  As a modifier it’s applied as required thus formations such as kosher salt, kosher kitchen, kosher pickle etc.

Lindsay Lohan on a visit to Westminster Synagogue with former special friend Samantha Ronson, London, March 2009.

The rules for kosher foods are codified in the Torah in the kashrut halakha (dietary law) which exists mostly in Leviticus and Deuteronomy.  Food that conforms is called kosher; that which does not is treif.  Although many elements of the rules are well known (no hare, hyrax, camel, and pig; no shellfish or crustaceans, no creeping things that crawl the earth and no mixing of meat and dairy at the same meal), for adherents, it can at the margins be complex and sometimes the adjudication of the rabbi is needed although, Judaism as practiced is not monolithic and while those who are practicing will probably adhere to a core set or rules, the interpretation varies between communities, their traditions and their level of observance.  The history is also acknowledged by scholars of the texts and it’s admitted many of the original rules about the consumption of animal flesh were a kind of health code in the pre-refrigeration era, the proscriptions applied to the animals which had been found most prone to spread illness or disease if eaten after too long after slaughter or subject to inadequate preparation.  However, despite advances in technology & techniques meaning health concerns no longer apply, because of the long tradition, the rules have no assumed the function of a devotional obligation.

McDonald's at Abasto Mall, Buenos Aires, Argentina, said to be the world’s only kosher McDonald's outside of Israel.  On some days, it’s open until 2am.

The core rules of kosher food

(1) Animals must be slaughtered with a specific method: The beast must be killed by a trained kosher slaughterer (a shochet) using a sharp blade without nicks or imperfections.  The animal must be healthy and not suffer during the process.

(2) Only certain animals are considered kosher: The Torah lists several permitted animals including cows, sheep, goats, and deer. Pigs, camels, rabbits, and other animals are proscribed.

(3) If from the sea, river or lake, only fish with fins and scales may be considered kosher; crustaceans & shellfish are proscribed.

(4) Certain parts of an animal must not  be eaten including the sciatic nerve and certain fats.

(5) Insects which dwell or habitually crawl on the ground are proscribed but flying and leaf-dwelling insects such as locusts are permitted.

(6) Fruit and vegetables must carefully be inspected for bugs and other contaminants; a contaminated item can be cleaned if only touched by a bug but if partially eater, it must be discarded.

(7) Meat and dairy must never be mixed; not stored, prepared, cooked or consumed together.  Separate utensils and dishes must be used for each.

Monday, August 17, 2026

Lettrism

Lettrism (pronounced let-riz-uhm)

A French avant-garde art and literary movement established in 1946 and inspired, inter alia, by Dada and surrealism.  Situationism is listed by some as a coordinate term but that can be misleading, lettrism being a strand of situationism.

1946: From French lettrisme, a variant of lettre (letter).  Letter dates from the late twelfth century and was from the From Middle English letter & lettre, from the Old French letre, from the Latin littera (letter of the alphabet (in plural); epistle; literary work), from the Etruscan, from the Ancient Greek διφθέρ (diphthérā) (tablet) (and related to diphtheria).  The form displaced the Old English bōcstæf (literally “book staff” in the sense of “the alphabet’s symbols) and ǣrendġewrit (literally “message writing” in the sense of “a written communication longer than a “note” (ie, something like the modern understanding of “a letter”)).  The –ism suffix was from the Ancient Greek ισμός (ismós) & -isma noun suffixes, often directly, sometimes through the Latin –ismus & isma (from where English picked up ize) and sometimes through the French –isme or the German –ismus, all ultimately from the Ancient Greek (where it tended more specifically to express a finished act or thing done).  It appeared in loanwords from Greek, where it was used to form abstract nouns of action, state, condition or doctrine from verbs and on this model, was used as a productive suffix in the formation of nouns denoting action or practice, state or condition, principles, doctrines, a usage or characteristic, devotion or adherence (criticism; barbarism; Darwinism; despotism; plagiarism; realism; witticism etc).  Letterism is listed by some sources as an alternative spelling but in literary theory it used in a different sense.  Lettrism and lettrist are nouns; the noun plural is letterists.

Letters and the lettrists

Letter from letterist Lindsay Lohan (2003).

A Lettrist was (1) one who practiced Lettrism or (2) a supporter or advocate of Lettrism.  Confusingly, in the English-speaking world, the spelling Letterist has been used in this context, presumably because it’s a homophone (if pronounced in the “correct (U)” way) and the word is “available” because although one who keeps as diary is a “diarist”, even the most prolific of inveterate letter writers are not called “letterists”.  The preferred term for a letter-writer is correspondent, especially for those who writes letters regularly or in an official capacity.  The Letterist International (LI) was a Paris-based collective of radical artists and cultural theorists which existed 1952-1957 before forming the Situationist International (SI), a trans-European, unstructured collective of artists and political thinkers which eventually became more a concept than a movement.  Influenced by the criticism that philosophy had tended increasingly to fail at the moment of its actualization, the SI, although it assumed the inevitability of social revolution, always maintained many (cross-cutting) strands of expectations of the form(s) this might take.  Indeed, just as a world-revolution did not follow the Russian revolutions of 1917, the events of May, 1968 failed to realize the predicted implications; the SI can be said then to have died.  The SI’s discursive output between 1968 and 1972 may be treated either as a lifeless aftermath to an anti-climax or a bunch of bitter intellectuals serving as mourners at their own protracted funeral.  In literary theory, while “Lettrism” has a defined historical meaning, the use of “letterism” is vague and not a recognized term although it has informally been used (often with some degree of irony) of practices emphasizing the use of letters or alphabetic symbols in art or literature and given the prevalence of text of a symbolic analogue in art since early in the twentieth century, it seem surprising “letterism” isn’t more used in criticism.  That is of course an Anglo-centric view of things because the French Lettrists themselves are said to prefer the spelling “Letterism”.

Jacques Derrida deconstructing some tobacco.

The French literary movement Lettrism was founded in Paris in 1946 and the two most influential figures in the early years were the Romanian-born French poet, film maker and political theorist Isidore Isou (1925–2007) and his long-term henchman, the French poet, & writer Maurice Lemaître (1926-2018).  Western Europe was awash with avant-garde movements in the early post-war years but what distinguished Lettrism was its focus on breaking down (deconstruction was not yet a term used in this sense) traditional language and meaning by emphasizing the materiality of letters and sounds rather than conventionally-assembled words.  Scholars of linguistics and the typographic community had of course long made a study of letters, their form, variation and origin, but in Lettrism it was less about the letters as objects than the act of dismantling the structures of language letters created, the goal being the identification (debatably the creation) of new forms of meaning through pure sound, visual abstraction; additionally considered was the "aesthetic form" of letters, by which the Lettrists meant something other than the now familiar "font design".  Although influenced most by Dada and surrealism, the effect the techniques of political propaganda used during the 1930s & 1940s was noted by the Lettrists and their core tenet was an understanding of the letter itself as the fundamental building block of art and literature.  Often they would break down language into letters or phonetic sounds, assessing and deploying them for their aesthetic or auditory qualities rather than any conventional meaning(s).  In that sense, the Lettrists can be seen as something of a precursor of post-modernism’s later “everything is text” orthodoxy although that too has an interesting origin.  The French philosopher Jacques Derrida (1930-2004) made famous the phrase “Il n'y a pas de hors-texte” which often is translated as something like “there is no meaning beyond the text” but “hors-texte” (outside the text) was printers’ jargon for those parts of a book without regular page numbers (blank pages, copyright page, table of contents etc) and Derrida’s point actually was the hors-texte must be regarded as a part of the text.  There was much intellectual opportunism in post modernism and, for their own purposes, it suited many to assert what Derrida said was “There is nothing outside the text” and what he meant was “everything is part of a (fictional) text and nothing is real” whereas his point was it’s not possible to create a rule rigidly which delineates what is “the text” and what is “an appendage to the text”.  Troublingly for some post modernists, Derrida did proceed on a case-by-case basis although he seems not to have explained how the meaning of the text in an edition of a book with an appended "This page is intentionally left blank" page might differ from one (1) with no such page or (2) with a literally blank page without the helpful disclaimer.  However, modern literary studies leaving no page unturned, there may be some earnest student of post-modernism who has written an essay convincingly explaining exactly that.

The Lettrism project was very much a rejection of traditional language structures and the meanings they denoted; it was a didactic endeavor, the Lettrists claiming not only had they transcended conventional grammar & syntax but they could obviate even a need for meaning in words, their work a deliberate challenge to their audiences to rethink how language functions.  As might be imagined, their output was “experimental” and in addition to some takes on the ancient form of “pattern poetry” included what they styled “concrete poetry” & “phonetic poetry”, visual art and performance pieces which relied on abstraction, the most enduring of which was the “hypergraphic”, an object sometimes describe as “picture writing” which combined letters, symbols, and images, blending visual and textual elements into a single art form, often as collages or as graphic-like presentations on canvas or paper.  This wasn’t a wholly new concept but the lettrists vested it with new layers of meaning which, at least briefly, intrigued many although it was dismissed also as “visual gimmickry” or that worst of insults in the avant-garde: “derivative”.  Despite being one of the many footnotes in the history of modern art, Lettrism never went away and in a range of artistic fields, even today there are those who style themselves “lettrists” and the visual clues of the movement’s influence are all around us.

The Zinoviev Letter

Comrade Zinoviev with some (presumably authentic) letters, Illustrated London News, 1 November, 1924.  The fetching hat is a traditional papakha (in the taller, slightly conical Caucasian style, often crafted from curly karakul sheepskin).

In the twenty-first century, misinformation & disinformation campaigns can be large scale, multi-media efforts but in 1924, a single (forged) letter was enough to produce political effects that would linger for decades.  The “Zinoviev letter” was a document purported to have been written by comrade Grigory Zinoviev (1883-1936), a Russian Bolshevik who between 1919-1926 was predsedatel (chairman) of Comintern (the Communist Third International (1919-1943)) and its release by the UK's Foreign Office (after a tabloid newspaper had threatened to publish a "leaked" copy) on the eve of the 1924 general election was the most sensational event of the campaign.  The incendiary contents of the letter were what would now be called “foreign interference”: An instruction from Moscow to the CPGB (Communist Party of Great Britain) to engage in seditious activities, destabilizing the country and radicalizing the working classes.  The intention of all this was not merely to influence the course of the upcoming election but to create conditions that would be a prelude to a Bolshevik-style revolution to spread throughout the British Empire, then at close to its geographical peak.  Led by the Daily Mail to which the document had been leaked, the right-wing press (an institution that had been warning of the dangers of working class revolution since the emergence of the Labour Party a quarter-century earlier) ran a smear campaign, accusing Labour of being a tool of Moscow and agents of a foreign, communist subversion of British politics.  Historians debate the extent to which the letter influenced the outcome of the 1924 election but Labour soundly was defeated, the Liberal Party’s decline continued and the Conservatives enjoyed a decisive victory.  For years after, the document generally was thought to be authentic and, beyond the election result, the most profound effect was on the the Labour Party, a kind of “siege mentality” infecting the membership the feeling being they were the victims of “a vast, right-wing conspiracy” that would use any manner of foul play to deny them office.

Zinoviev letter, page one.

Just who wrote the Zinoviev letter has never been determined although most historians suspect it was a forgery by White Russian émigrés, then spread mostly between Berlin and the Baltic States but what’s of greater interest is the alleged complicity of the UK’s intelligence services, possibly in commissioning the document but certainly in “leaking” it to the press.  What does seem clear is that regardless of the origin, both MI5 and the SIS (MI6) were aware the letter was a forgery but, as both organizations stridently were anti-communist and viewed the Labour Party government as a “thin edge of the communist wedge”, opted to leak the document, knowing the likely effect.  The extent to which other officials (notable those in the Foreign Office among whom a copy had been circulating for almost three weeks before the election) were aware of the provenance has long intrigued historians, many of who have concluded there was at least a “willing suspension of disbelief” and certainly a resolve to take advantage of the “windfall”.  Although long a favorite of conspiracy theorists, the evidence is scant the leaking was a deliberate decision by the upper echelons in Whitehall or the intelligence community and a government enquiry in 1998-1999 concluded the passing of the letter to the Daily Mail was probably the result of politically motivated “rogue operatives” within SIS “freelancing”, probably on the basis of “working towards” what they knew their superiors really wanted.  So, they got both the desired result and plausible deniability, their ultimate “win-win situation”.  In that sense, whether those who organized the leak knew or suspected the letter was a forgery (and it’s clear from the records there were some in SIS and the Foreign Office with at least “serious reservations”) had become irrelevant; all that mattered was it was good enough to be thought authentic for the four days it would be publicized before the election and would thus serve its operational and political purposes.

Comrades Stalin (far left), Alexei Rykov (1881–1938, centre left), Lev Kamenev (1883-1936, centre right) and Grigory Zinoviev (far left).

While comrades Rykov and Kamenev opt for Leninesque “worker's caps” (a nice touch) comrade Stalin is wearing a lower profile lower-profile, darker version of the papakha that in the West became well-known after 1941 because it was by then the winter hat for high-ranking officers in the Red Army.  The four are walking to a meeting of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party and it was at this point (in the aftermath of the death of Vladimir Lenin (1870-1924; Russian revolutionary & theorist, founder of the Bolsheviks and head of government in Russia or the Soviet Union 1917-1924)) comrade Stalin (1878-1953; Soviet leader 1924-1953) began to assert control of the party machine, marginalizing Zinoviev and others; by 1929, he had complete control of the vast party apparatus and thus the Soviet state.  All comrade Stalin's companions on this fateful walk would be executed during the Great Purge, as would many once prominent in the “Stalin faction”.

For comrade Zinoviev, things ended badly.  By the mid-1930s comrade Stalin had decided the best way to ensure his version of Bolshevik history would become the uncontested orthodoxy was to eliminate any of his “old revolutionary comrades” likely to contradict his versions of events and comrade Zinoviev was on the list.  In the great purges of the late 1930s, many besides the party’s luminaries were eliminated but the demise of comrade Zinoviev was emblematic of the way Moscow’s “show trials” were run.  Although ruthlessly dictatorial, comrade Stalin put much emphasis on “form and appearance” (his 1937 Soviet Constitution reads like the description of a genuine utopia) and confessions to charges (however manifestly false) were prized as an example of “due process” having taken place.  Accordingly, comrade Zinoviev agreed to plead guilty on the condition he’d not be handed a death sentence.  To this, comrade Stalin agreed, apparently with the words: “That of course goes without saying. The trial thus concluded but comrade’s Stalin’s interpretation of “goes without saying” appears to have meant he didn’t “say it” and, within hours of the conviction being recorded, he ordered comrade Zinoviev taken outside and shot.  The exact number who died during the Great Purge (1936-1938) will never be known (there was much “collateral damage”) but estimates range between 650,000-1.2 million.  Not until 1988 when then comrade Mikhail Gorbachev (1931–2022; Soviet leader 1985-1991) instituted perestroika were comrade Zinoviev (and many of the condemned) formally “rehabilitated” by the Military Collegium of the Supreme Court of the Soviet Union.

Chrysler’s letterism: The Chrysler 300 “letter series” 1955-1965.

The “letter series” Chrysler 300s were produced in limited numbers in the US between 1955-1965; technically, it was a high-performance version of the luxury Chrysler New Yorker and the first in 1955 was labeled C-300, an allusion to the 300 horsepower (HP) rating of the 331 cubic inch (5.4 litre) Hemi V8, then the most powerful engine offered in a production car.  The C-300 was well received and when an updated version was released in 1956, it was dubbed 300B, the annual releases appending the next letter in the alphabet as a suffix although in 1963 “I” was skipped when the 300H was replaced by the 300J, the rationale being it might be confused with a “1” (ie the numeral “one”), the same reasoning explaining why there are so few “I cup” bras, some manufacturers filling the gap in the market between “H cup” & “J cup” with a “HH cup” but there’s no evidence the corporation’s concerns ever prompted them to ponder a “300HH”.  Retrospectively thus, the 1955 C-300 is often described as the 300A although this was never an official factory designation.  While in the narrow technical sense not a part of the “muscle car” lineage (defined by the notion of putting a “big” car’s “big” engine into a smaller, lighter model), the letter series cars were an important part of the “power race” of the 1950s and an evolutionary step in what would emerge in 1964 as the muscle car branch and the most plausible LCA (last common ancestor) of both was the Buick Century (1936-1942).  The letter series was retired after 1965 because the market preference for high-performance car had shifted to the smaller, lighter, pony cars & intermediates (neither of which existed in the early years of the 300) though the “non letter series” 300s (introduced in 1962) continued until 1971 with a toned-down emphasis on speed, the marketing shifting to style and bundled "value for money".

1955 Chrysler C-300 (300A).

All C-300s were two-door hardtops (although there are unverified reports of a C-300 station wagon built for a Nevada casino operator to use as a high-speed "cash van"; the tale is likely apocryphal).  Although expensive, the C-300 featured less chrome trim than other models in the range and there were no two or three-tone color combinations as was then fashionable; only Black, Tango Red or Platinum White could be ordered while the wire wheels were made by Motor Rim & Wheel Service, not Kelsey-Hayes as often is assumed.  Although initially the wheels could be ordered on all models in the 1955 Chrysler range, the take-up rate was not high although many C-300s and some Imperials & New Yorkers have subsequently had them (or reproductions) retro-fitted.  Despite the impression the company liked to convey in the advertising, the wire wheels were not "limited production" items, their rarity explained by costing US$617.60 for a set of five (there are various ways to calculate the modern day equivalent value but none put it at less than several thousand dollars).  Restorers seeking to emulate authenticity have to pay attention to the part numbers because there were two variants of the wheels: Most Chryslers and DeSotos were fitted with the 5 × 15 inch 48-spoke units while the option for the heavier Imperial was the 5½ × 15, 52-spoke wheel, most 300s using the latter (deleted from the Imperial's option list after the C-300 was announced).

1955 Chrysler C-300.

For a machine that became so storied and was so successful in competition, corporate expectations for the C-300 were modest, management’s timidity revealed by the minimal budget in 1954 allocated to a project designed to demonstrate the true potential of the Chrysler Hemi V8 in a road car able to match the finest from Europe.  Paradoxically, that fiscal parsimony probably ensured a better car emerged, the team compelled to spend available funds on essential elements, encouraging even the deletion of some “decorative stuff” from the New Yorker body used as a base.  Compelled to “mix and match” from the corporate parts bin, the front clip (the “doghouse” in assembly-line slang) came from the top-of-the-line Imperial while the rear quarter panels and trim were borrowed from the base-model Windsor; defying what was then an industry trend verging on a fetish, the use of embellishing chrome trim and badgework was minimized.  What this “quick & dirty” way of conjuring something “new” at relatively low cost meant was the bulk of the budget could be allocated to what lay beneath and it was that specification on which the machine’s reputation was built.  The 331 cubic inch (5.4 litre) “FirePower” Hemi V8 was anyway a solid foundation and to these were bolted cylinder heads (part number 1556157 (often stamped with a “-1” suffix)) that came to be dubbed the “triple nickel” or “555”; because of their adaptability to high performance enhancements, they became the most sought-after of the factory’s early iron castings.  The approach in designing the heads was conventional in that the goal was “better breathing”: (1) a 103 cm3 combustion chamber, (2) larger diameter valves (2 inch (50 mm) intake & 1¾ inch (44.45 mm) exhaust), (3) larger ports and a solid lifer camshaft ground with what was, by road car standards, a radical degree of lift and overlap.

Chrysler FirePower Hemi V8 with "dual-quad" induction and "batwing" air cleaner in 1955 C-300.

The object was a power curve more familiar to racing drivers.  With fuel delivered through a pair of Carter WCFB four-barrel carburetors (topped by a low-profile “batwing” air cleaner, Chrysler rated the C-300 V8 at 300 HP (horsepower) @ 5,200 RPM and 345 lb-ft of torque @ 3,200 RPM.  That made it the most powerful V8 available in 1955 but the “300” number was chosen for marketing purposes, the engines more potent still; that “under-rating” would be a feature of the first two generations of Hemis.  The engine was powerful enough to propel the 4,000-odd lb (1815 kg) C-300 to speeds higher than any other sedan then available so the suspension accordingly was stiffened, the front anti-roll bar thickened with up-rated shock-absorbers (dampers) fitted while the ride height was lowered by 1½ inches (38 mm).  Making a virtue of necessity, Chrysler’s briefing to the press described the ride as “firm” (in private the engineers would admit “truck-like”) but it made for a better handling machine although even with the 12-inch (300 mm) power-assisted drum brakes from the 5,000-lb (227 kg) Imperial, braking could in sustained use become marginal.  Reflecting (1) what was available from the parts bin and (2) the target market, the only transmission offered was the PowerFlite two-speed automatic.

1955 Chrysler C-300 in NASCAR competition.  The C-300 competed during the brief era in which cars genuinely close to "stock" (ie what could be purchased from the showroom floor) ran as "NASCAR stockers".

That it “rode like a truck” was at least tacitly noted by the press but it did little to curb their enthusiasm for what all acknowledged was the “world’s most powerful sedan” and clearly one built with race tracks in mind.  Very much in the tradition of the big, powerful grand-touring cars of the 1930s such as the Duesenberg SJ, it was something that with a few minor modifications could be used in competition; from the earliest days of motoring, such machines greatly have appealed to certain men, some of whom in 1955 were motoring journalists.  It was obvious the justification for the thing’s existence was to fulfil the homologation requirements of NASCAR (National Association for Stock Car Auto Racing) that stipulated a certain number of various components be sold to the public before a car could be defined as a “production” car (ie a “stock” car, a term that shamelessly wouldbe prostituted in the years to come) and used in sanctioned competition.  That potential quickly was realized, the C-300 setting a number of speed records in timed distance-trials and the model won 27 of the 45 top-line events NASCAR staged in 1955, securing the championship.  The C-300 was an expensive niche product but 1,725 were sold and although the profits from the project were barely a blip on the balance sheet, the company scheduled a 300B for the 1956 season and such had been the publicity value gained by what would now be called a “halo product”, there’d likely have been a encore even had fewer left the showroom.

1956 Chrysler 300B (left) and Highway Hi-Fi phonograph player (right).

The 300B used a updated version of the C-300s body so visually the two were similar although, ominously, the tailfins did reach a little higher.  The big news however lay under the hood (bonnet) with the Hemi V8 enlarged to 354 cubic inches (5.8 litres) and available either with 340 (HP) (254 kW) or in a high- compression version generating 355 (365), the first time a US-built automobile was advertised as producing greater than one HP per cubic inch of displacement.  It was a sign of the times; other manufacturers took note.  The added power meant a top speed of around 140 mph (225 km/h) could be attained (something to ponder given the retardative qualities of the not much improved braking system) but also of note was the season's much talked-about option: the "Highway Hi-Fi" phonograph player that allowed a limited range of vinyl records to be played when the car was on the move; the sound quality was remarkably good but on less than smooth surfaces, experiences were mixed.  Success on the track continued, the 300B wining the Daytona Flying Mile with a new record of 139.373 mph (263.932 km/h), and it again dominated NASCAR, repeating the C-300’s Grand National Championship.  Despite that illustrious record, only 1,102 were sold.  In deference to the increased power and pace, wider wheels were fitted, 6 x 15 inch units on which were mounted Goodyear's new "Blue Streak" tyres although, in a departure from the usual practice, race teams tended to prefer the narrower 5½ × 15 versions because the wider rubber was subject to overheating at sustained high speed.  In an indication this was a serious "dual purpose" machine able to be used as a fast road car or entered in competition, while the standard final-drive ratio was a typical 3.36:1, 12 options between 3.08:1 - 6.17:1 could be ordered.

1955 Chrysler C-300 (top left), 1970 Mercedes-Benz 280 SE 3.5 Coupé (top right), 1972 Rover 3.5 Coupé (bottom left) and 1969 Rover 3.5 Saloon (bottom right).

On sale only during the 1955-1956 seasons, the restrained lines of Chrysler’s elegant “Forward Look” range didn’t last long in the US as extravagance overtook Detroit but the influence endured longer in Europe, both the Mercedes-Benz W111 (1961-1971) & W112 Coupé (1962-1967) and the Rover P5 (1958-1967) & P5B (1967-1973) interpreting the shape.  The Rover was a tale of two rooflines: the “Establishment” Saloon and the rakish Coupé, the latter the first of the "four-door coupés" although the motifs had been seen during the inter-war years (1919-1939). 

1957 Chrysler 300C.

The 1955-1956 Chryslers had a balance and elegance of line that could have remained a template for the industry but there were other possibilities and these Detroit choose to pursue, creating an era of chrome-laden macropterous extravagance; it proved a stylistic cul-de-sac but undeniably was memorable.  The 1957 300C undeniably was dramatic and featured many of the elements so associated with the US automobile of the late 1950s including the now (mostly) lawful quad-headlights, the panoramic “Vista-Dome” windshield, lashings of chrome and, of course, those tailfins.  The Hemi V8 was again enlarged, now in a “tall deck” version out to 392 cubic inches (6.4 litres) rated at 375 HP; first time a convertible version was available.  By now the power race was being run in earnest with GM (General Motors) offering fuel-injected engines and Mercury solving the problem in the traditional American (there’s no replacement for displacement) way by releasing a 430 cubic inch (7.0 litre) V8 although it was so big and heavy it made the bulky Hemi seem something of a lightweight; the 430 did however briefly find a niche in in power-boat racing.  For 300C owners who wanted more there was also a high-compression version with more radical valve timing rated at 390 HP (290 kW) and this was for the first time able to be ordered with a three-speed manual transmission.  Few apparently felt the need for more and of the 2,402 300Cs sold (1,918 coupes & 484 convertibles), only 18 were ordered in high-compression form.

Chrysler 300C advertising.  In publicity material, the hyphenated form (in this case "300-C") sometimes was used.  The “lightning-bolt” symbol was popular when promoting many products and appeared even on the valve cover of the 235 cubic inch (3.9 litre) “Blue Flame” straight-six used in the C1 (1953-1962) Chevrolet Corvette between 1953-1955.  The Blue Flame was rated at 150 HP so the lightning bolt may have been optimistic.

Upon release, the motoring press noted, with some regret, the 300C would be the last of its breed, the AMA (American Manufacturers Association) having on 6 June, 1956 published a resolution banning “…factory participation in speed contests and forbidding references to power, performance and speed in advertising and sales literature.  Politicians had become concerned some vehicles now roaming the streets were more powerful than many racing cars of only a few years earlier and while the resolution had come too late for the new releases for the 1957 season to be cancelled, it was at the time thought the bold advertising copy: “The Mighty Chrysler 300C.  America’s Most Powerful Car - 375 HP!” might be a swansong for a brief era.  Given that, it was little wonder SCI (Sports Car International) lamented: “It's hard to see much of a future for projectiles like the 300C.  As things turned out, the manufacturers soon worked out there was much demand for power and speed and ignored the AMA’s resolution so displacement and power continued to grow meaning SCI’s anticipation of a “Suddenly it’s 1974” moment was premature but the magazine’s concluding requiem for the 300C was at least half-right: “The AMA resolution puts it in a taboo class, but its status as an American classic is assured.

1958 Chrysler 300D.

Again using the Hemi 392, now tuned for a standard 380 HP, there was for the first time the novelty of the optional Bendix “Electrojector” fuel injection that raised output to a nominal 390 although its real benefit was the consistency of fuel delivery, overcoming the starvation encountered sometimes under extreme lateral loads.  Unfortunately, the analogue electronics of the era proved unequal to the task, the unreliability was both chronic and insoluble, thus almost all the 21 fuel-injected cars being retro-fitted with the stock dual-quad induction system; it's believed only one 300D retains its original Bendix apparatus.  Also rare was the take-up rate for the manual transmission option and interestingly, both the two known 300Ds so equipped were ordered originally with carburetors rather than fuel injection.  The engineers also secured a prized victory over the stylists.  After testing on the proving grounds determined the distinctive, forward jutting “eyebrow” header atop the windscreen reduced top speed by 5 mph (8 km/h), they managed to convince management to authorize an expensive change to the tooling, standardizing the convertible’s compound-curve “bubble windshield”, a then rare triumph of function over fashion.  Although the emphasis of the letter series cars was shifting from the track to the roads, the things genuinely still were fast and one (slightly modified) 300D set a new class record of 156.387 mph (251.681 km/h) on the Bonneville Salt Flats.  In a difficult year marked by a brief but sharp recession, production declined to 810 units (619 coupes & 191 convertibles).

1959 Chrysler 300E.

With the coming of the 1959 range, the Hemi was retired and replaced by a new 413 cubic inch (6.8 litre) V8 with wedge-shaped combustion chambers.  Lighter by some 100 lb (45 kg) and cheaper to produce than the Hemi with its demanding machining requirements and intricate valve train, the additional displacement allowed power output to be maintained at 380 HP (280 kW) while torque (something more significant for what most drivers on the street do most of the time) actually increased.  The manual transmission option was also deleted with no market resistance and, despite the lower production costs, the price tag rose, something probably more of a factor in the declining sales than the loss of the much vaunted Hemi.  With the economy still in the throes of recovery, just as the 300D (and most of the rest of the industry) had suffered the season before, demand remained subdued and Chrysler probably did well to shift 690 units (550 coupes & 140 convertibles).

1960 Chrysler 300F Convertible.

Although the rococo styling cues remained, underneath now lay radical modernity, the corporation’s entire range (except the exclusive Imperial line) switching from ladder frame to unitary construction.  The stylists however indulged themselves with more external flourishes, allowing the tailfins an outward canter, culminating sharply in a point and housing boomerang-shaped taillights.  Even the critics of such things found it a pleasing look although they were less impressed by the faux spare tire cover (complete with an emulated wheel cover!) on the trunk (boot), dubbing it the “washing machine lid” or “toilet seat”.  The interior though was memorable with four individual bucket in leather with a centre console between extending the cockpit’s entire length and there was also Chrysler’s intriguing electroluminescent instrument display which, rather than being lit with bulbs, exploited a phenomenon in which a material emits light in response to an electric field; the ethereal glow was much admired.

1960 Chrysler 300F engine with Sonoramic intake (short-ram tubes) in red.

Buyers in 1959 may have felt regret in not seeing a Hemi in the engine bay, but in 1960, after lifting the hood of a 300F they wouldn’t have been disappointed because, in designer colors (gold, silver, blue & red), sat the charismatic “Sonoramic” intake manifolds, a “cross-ram” system that placed the carburetors at the sides of engine, connected to the ports by long tubular runners.  What the physics of this did was provide a short duration “supercharging” effect, tuned for the mid-range torque most used when overtaking at freeway speeds.  Also built were a handful of “short ram” Sonoramics with half the tubes (the overall length remained the same) re-calibrated to deliver top-end power rather than mid-range torque.  Rated at a nominal 400 HP, these could be fitted also with the French-built Pont-a-Mousson four-speed manual transmission used in the Chrysler V8-powered Facel Vega range that was France's finest car of the post-war years.  Created purely for the purpose of setting records, a half-dozen 300Fs so equipped were dispatched to that year's Daytona Speed Week where they took the top six places in the event’s signature Flying Mile, crossing the traps at between 141.5-144.9 mph (227.7-233.3 km/h).  The market responded and sales rose to 1217 (969 & 248 convertibles) and the 300F (especially the handful fitted with the “short ram” Sonoramics) is the most collectable of the letter series.

1961 Chrysler 300G.

The 300G gained canted headlights, another of those styling fads of the 1950s & 1960s that quickly became passé but now seem a charming period piece.  There was the usual myriad of detail changes the industry in those days dreamed up each season, usually for no better reason that to be “different” from last year’s model and thus be able to offer something “new”.  As well as the slanted headlights, the fins became sharper still and taillights were moved.  Mechanically, the specification substantially was unaltered, the Sonoramic plumbing carried over although the expensive, imported Pont-a-Mousson transmission was removed from the option list, replaced by Chrysler’s own, heavy-duty three-speed manual unit, demand for which was predictably low.  The lack of a fourth cog didn’t impede the 300G’s performance in that year’s Daytona Flying Mile where one would again take the title with a mark of 143 mph (230.1 km/h) and, to prove the point, a stock standard model took the one mile acceleration title.  People must have liked the headlights because, in an again buoyant economy, production reached 1617 units (1,280 coupes & 337 convertibles).

1962 Chrysler 300H.

Perhaps at least a season too late, Chrysler undertook a corporation-wide “de-finning”, prompting their designer (Virgil Exner (1909–1973)) to lament his creations now resembled “plucked chickens”.  For 1962, the 300 name also lost some of its exclusivity with the addition to the range of the "300 Sport" series (offered also with four-door bodywork) and to muddy the waters further, much of what was fitted to the 300H could be ordered as an option on the new variant so externally, but for the distinctive badge, there was visually little to separate the two (since 1962, the verbal shorthand to distinguish between the ranges has been “300 letter series” and “300 non-letter series” cars).  Mechanically, the “de-contenting” (something the accountants had begun to impose as the industry chase higher profits (short-term strategies to increase “shareholder value” being nothing new)) was felt as the Sonoramic induction system moved to the 300H’s option list with the inline dual 4-barrel carburetor setup last seen on the 300E now standard.  With the in-line carburetors, the 413 was rated at 380 HP; this rose to 405 when the Sonoramic option was chosen.  Because of weight savings gained by the adoption of a shorter wheelbase platform, the specific performance numbers of 300H actually slightly shaded its predecessor but the cannibalizing of the 300 name and the public perception the thing’s place in the hierarchy was no longer so exalted saw sales decline to 570 (435 coupes & 135 convertibles), the lowest annual total to date.  The residual magic of the name must however have had tangible appeal because the "non-letter" Chrysler 300 Sports in the four available body styles (2 door convertible, 2 & 4 door hardtop & 4 door sedan) sold 25,578, exceeding expectations.  The accountants had been right, an ominous sign for the engineers. 

1963 Chrysler 300J.

Presumably in an attempt to atone for past transgressions, a spirit of rectilinearism washed through Chrysler’s design office while the 1963 range was being prepared and, for better or worse, it would persist until the decade’s end when new sins would be committed.  Unrelated to that was the decision to skip a 300I because of concerns it might be read as the wholly numeric 3001.  The de-contenting (now an industry trend) continued with the swivel feature for the front bucket seats deleted while full-length centre console was truncated at the front compartment with the rear seat now a less eye-catching bench.  The 413 V8 was offered in a single configuration but the Sonoramics were again standard and the three-speed manual transmission remained optional, seven buyers ticking the box. The 300J was still a fast car, capable of a verified 142 mph (229 km/h) although the weight and gearing conspired against acceleration but a standing ¼-mile (402 metres) ET (elapsed time) of 15.8 was among the quickest of the cars in its class.  Still, it did seem the end of the series might be nigh with the convertible no longer offered and the sales performance reflected the feeling, only 400 coupes leaving the showrooms.

The BUFF: The new version of the Boeing B-52 Stratofortress (replacing the B-52H) will be the B-52J, not B-52I or B-52HH.   

Like Chrysler and most bra manufacturers, the US Air Force also opted to skip “I” when allocating a designation for the updated version of the Boeing B-52 Stratofortress (built 1952-1962 and still in service).  Between the first test flight of the B-52A in 1954 and the B-52H entering service in 1962, the designations B-52B, B-52C, B-52D, B-52E, B-52F & B-52G sequentially had been used but after flirting with whether to use B-52J as an interim designation (reflecting the installation of enhanced electronic warfare systems) before finalizing the series as the B-52K (after new engines were fitted), in 2024 the USAF announced the new line would be the B-52J and only a temporary internal code would distinguish those not yet re-powered.  Again, the “I” was not used so nobody would think there was a B-521.  Although the avionics, digital displays and ability to carry the HACM (Hypersonic Attack Cruise Missile, a scramjet-powered weapon capable exceeding Mach 5) are the most significant changes for the B-52J, visually, it will be the replacement of the old Pratt & Whitney TF33 engines with new Rolls-Royce F130 units that will be most obvious, the F130 promising improvements in fuel efficiency of some 30% as well as reduction in noise and exhaust emissions.  Already in service for 70 years, apparently no retirement date for the B-52 has yet been pencilled-in.  In USAF (US Air Force) slang, the B-52 is the BUFF (the acronym for big ugly fat fellow or big ugly fat fucker depending on who is asking) and from BUFF was derived the companion acronym for the LTV A-7 Corsair II (1965-1984, the last in active service retired in 2014) which was SLUFF (Short Little Ugly Fat Fellow or Short Little Ugly Fat Fucker).

1964 Chrysler 300K.

Selling in 1963 only 400 examples of what had once been the corporation's “halo” car triggered management to engage in what in US management jargon (by then a burgeoning lexicon) had come to be called an “agonizing reappraisal”.  The conclusion drawn was from Economics 101 lectures: To stimulate demand, lower the basic entry price to essentially ownership of "the name" and if buyers really wanted the fancy stuff once fitted as standard, they could order it from an option list.  That approach was becoming familiar and although it meant adding a layer of complexity to a process that decades earlier had begun as a "standardized unit" production line, it was manageable because of the use of main-frame computers that translated (1) the boxes (ticked in ink) on a dealer's order form, (2) via the fingers of a data-entry clerk (that profession an early victim of "office automation" that over the decades would evolve into AI (artificial intelligence)) onto, (3) a punch card, read by a machine that would send the structured data to (4) an impact (dot-matrix) printer that would generate, (5) a "build-sheet".  It was on these build-sheets the options to be fitted were itemized and from this assembly-line workers configured each car as it moved along the production-line.  While there was the odd glitch (database corruption, printer problems, human error etc), the system worked well and the specific configuration of almost all vehicles reflected what was on the build-sheet.

1964 Chrysler 300K.

The "squircle" (ie a circle with "squared-off" corners) shaped steering wheel had appeared on the 300J the previous season and the corporation had earlier used the idea in other divisions.  While not welcomed with conspicuous enthusiasm, it wasn't greeted with the derision British Leyland would a decade later encounter when it included a "quartic" wheel in the early version of the Austin Allegro (1973-1982).  On the Allegro, the quartic wheel was in 1974 replaced by a circular device and the 300K was the last appearance for the squircle.  In the brave new world of option lists, leather trim and many power accessories joined AC (air-conditioning) in being relegated to the "available at extra cost" list.  So the system worked with muscular efficiency but that success ultimately was the cause of its demise.  As well as generating individual build sheets, once aggregated, all this information formed what would now be called a "big data" set and that meant "data analysts" could be employed.  What these walking pocket calculators worked out was it was possible to predict much of what would be ticked on the dealers' order forms and it was thus more profitable to produce runs with certain "bundles" of options and sell it as a model line, the classic example of the 1970s & 1980s the many "executive" packages which included power-steering, automatic transmission and AC.  It was the beginning of the death knell of the long option list for mass-produced vehicles although in the twenty-first century the concept has re-appeared (writ large and very high priced) by the "special divisions" of outfits like Rolls-Royce, Ferrari, Porsche and such.  Those who observe industry trends have noted buyers of such machines are to some extent "captives" of the option list because the resale value of their purchase does suffer unless it was ordered with an array of "extras", the price tag of which could extend into six (US$) figures.  Capitalism can be criticized but it's certainly dynamic.       

The ancestor of the main-frame computer were the "computational machines" used during World War II (1939-1945) to calculate the trajectories or artillery shells.  A generation on, progress in electronics meant buyers could "custom build" their 300K.

The 300K's base engine was now fitted with a single four barrel carburetor although for an additional US$375, the dual-quad Sonoramic could be ordered and combined with Chrysler’s new, robust four-speed manual transmission.  Surprising some observers, the convertible coachwork made a return to the catalogue.  With the the de-contenting (the leather trim for example now a US$93 option), the price cut (down from the 300J's US$5,260 to US$4,056 for the coupe (the convertible was US$4,522), the market responded with text book case-study of price elasticity of demand and despite being some US$600 more than the 300 Sports with the same bodies, the 300K booked record sales, production spiking to 3647 (3,022 coupes & 625 convertibles).  Interestingly, defying an industry-wide trend, 84 were fitted with the four-speed manual gearbox (50 hardtops & 34 convertibles).  With the coming of 1964, the distinctive "push-button" controls for the TorqueFlite automatic transmission were retired, the 300K's shitter moving to the centre console while elsewhere in the corporation, steering column-mounted assemblies also began to appear.  The selection order on automatic transmissions had been standardized (L-D-N-R-P) by federal regulation after some years of manufacturers using variant patterns but, despite the persistent myth, the push-buttons have never been outlawed although Chrysler may have sniffed the regulatory breeze and anticipated a ban, deciding to jump before being pushed.  Chrysler's basic engineering remained sound (in some ways it was an industry leader) but stylistically, all the corporation's divisions in the era suffered because the lines lacked the flair offered by GM or the segment-defining innovations of Ford.

1964 Chrysler Silver 300 (a non-letter 300): The "targa-look" without the targa.  Not until 1966 would Porsche AG trademark "targa" bit there's nothing to suggest the Germans were influenced by the Silver 300.

It could be ordered for the 300 Sport and 300K two-door hardtops, a reputed 2,152 of the former and 255 of the latter attracting buyers.  A mid-season promotion, the Chrysler Silver 300 was a “bundle” including “special metallic silver paint, vinyl canopy roof and custom interior with a reclining passenger seat”.  So it was distinctive though hardly likely to create anything like the impact of the C-300 in 1955 or the Sonoramic induction system in 1959 but participating dealerships were provided with a “promotional kit” including posters for showroom windows, postcards, floor-mat advertisements and “display collateral” (“themed” material for the showroom floor).  According to the corporation’s marketing department, the Silver 300 would be “the biggest spring promotion in Chrysler history” and while that may seem a lot of effort for what was a very modest “package” for a model mid-way through its life, the industry has on many occasions re-cycled the approach and it did make sense, buyers perhaps drawn by a “Silver 300K” eventually driving off in a “Silver 300” that was US$600 cheaper and, to most, indistinguishable from its more expensive stablemate.  Some models of the 300 Sport also continued to use the dash-mounted, push-button selectors for the transmission (a modernist look and undeniably a convenience liked by many) and, if so minded, even the performance of the 300K could be matched because the standard 383 cubic inch (6.3 litre) V8 could be “optioned-up” to the 413.

Promotional poster for 1964’s mid-year Silver 300 package.

In the US, car advertising in the 1960s was a vibrant sector in graphic art and there were memorable exponents, most notably the oeuvre Art Fitzpatrick (1919–2015) & Van Kaufman (1918-1995) rendered in the 1960s for GM’s PMD (Pontiac Motor Division), their simulacra tending to mannerism without quite becoming surrealist.  Dimensionally, Chrysler’s agency eschewed that approach and stuck to realism but the staging certainly was imaginative although some of the “messaging” in the advertising for the Imperial line to this day remains curious.  For the Silver 300, the agency presumably had in mind a couple having dashed off up the stairs to “enjoy themselves”, the young lady so anxious not to miss a moment she kicked-off her stilettos, not even pausing to close the door.  Modern interpretations are darker and include “murder-suicide” (the female usually the victim) or the unfortunate driver having fallen to his death after parking too close to the cliff’s edge.  In the latter scenario, her imagined tale varies but in all, she ends up dead, dashed on the rocks below.

1965 Chrysler 300L (four speed manual).

Despite the stellar sales of the 300K, even before the release of the 300L, the decision had been taken it would be the last of the letter series.  The corporation has moved the "performance orientated" models to the Plymouth and Dodge divisions while the tastes of those who wanted high performance had shifted to the smaller, lighter pony cars and intermediates, neither segment envisaged when the C-300 had made its debut a decade earlier.  Additionally, the letter series had outlived its usefulness as a corporate image-maker now they were no longer the fastest in the fleet and production-line rationalization meant it was easier and more profitable to maintain a single 300 line and allow buyers to choose their own mix of options; in other words, after 1965, it would still be possible to create a 300 in the spirit of the letter cars in most aspects except the badge and the now departed Sonoramics of fond memory.  When the last 300L was produced it was configured with a single four barrel carburetor and few would have noticed the differences between it and most other 300s.  The lower price though continued to attract buyers and in its final year 2845 were sold (2,405 coupes & 440 convertibles) and an again perhaps surprising 97-odd buyers opted for the four-speed manual but on the full-sized lines the configuration approaching extinction after a brief life; the 1970 Ford XL would be the last of such machines listed with the option although no XLs were so-equipped after the 1969 season.

1966 Chrysler 300X show car.

That no 300M appeared clearly was a surprise to the motoring press because the magazine Car and Driver, in a road test of a 300 Convertible, published in the November 1965 edition, mentioned the latest (ie 300M) iteration of "...the more expensive, more exotic 300 letter-series [was] still unannounced for 1966."  That announcement would of course never come (although there was the forgettable FWD (front wheel drive) 300M sold between 1999 to 2004) but there was in 1966 the 300X.  Based on a 300 Convertible, despite the appended letter, it was not in the tradition of the just-retired letter series but was a "show car", mechanically unchanged but featuring a cockpit packed with “futuristic” ideas, some of which did eventually enter mainstream use (although the swivelling front seat remained one of history’s unwanted orphans).  Rather than a conventional steering wheel, the driver used handgrips and the “steering unit” included button controls for lights, wipers, turn signals, and door locks, enabling use of all functions with a finger or thumb, all the while keeping a both hands on the mechanism.  Door handles were replaced by a keypunch card used also for the ignition while a truck-lid mounted TV camera and monitor on the dashboard replaced the rear-view mirrors.  Rear-seat passengers (and the front-occupant when “swivelled”) were able to enjoy watching a small television, mounted on a bracket allowing it to be stowed away when not in use. Construction of the 300X was out-sourced to the prolific customizer and fabricator Roger Winfield (1927–2025) whose creations became well-known from their appearances in film and television including Blade Runner (1982) and Get Smart (1965-1970).  The 1965 Sunbeam “Tiger” be built for Get Smart was actually a visually almost identical Sunbeam Alpine, chosen because its compactfour-cylinder engine left sufficient under-hood space for the “special accessories” (including a retractable machine-gun) whereas the Tiger’s Ford V8 filled the space to the brim.  To solve the “aural deficit”, the distinctive burble of a Tiger’s V8 was added during the editing process.  The “swivelling seat thing” must have been exerting a powerful influence in Chrysler’s design offices because also shown that year was the Imperial "Executive Suite" (complete with an on-board fax machine).  The fax didn't make it to the assembly line but the swivelling passenger seat did, offered for two seasons (1967-1968) in the intriguing but unsuccessful "Mobile Director" package, available exclusively (and bizarrely) in the Imperial Crown Coupe. 

1970 Chrysler 300-Hurst.

There was an unexpected semi-coda to the 300 letter series.  Although “surprise” is sometimes a tactic in marketing, what was strange about the release of the Chrysler 300-Hurst (introduced in February 1970 at the Chicago Auto Show) was it being a surprise to the dealers receiving one to display in their showrooms.  Improbable as it sounds for a product released in the citadel of modern capitalism, the accepted orthodoxy is the management at Chrysler and Hurst both believed the other corporation would be handing the promotion so consequently, none was done.  Given the market dynamics of the time, it’s debatable whether advertising would much have stimulated demand for such a machine and, as things worked out, only some 500 were built, the model never replaced.  In the era, there was little consistency in how the thing was described with publications variously using “300-H”, “300 Hurst” and “Hurst 300” but the preferred use now seems to be “300-Hurst” to distinguish it from the original 300H of 1962.  Based on the Chrysler 300 built on the corporate C-Body (with the so called “fuselage” bodyshell introduced for the 1969 season) conceptually, the 300-Hurst was very much in the tradition of the later letter-series cars and featured the combination of the more powerful of the two four-barrel versions of the 440 cubic inch (7.2 litre) V8 (rated at 375 HP in a dual-exhaust configuration), the TorqueFlite (727) automatic transmission and an opulent leather-trimmed interior from the Imperial line.  Although often listed as a footnote, purists decline to include the 300-Hurst in the letter-series lineage.

1970 Chrysler 300-Hurst.  The leather trim and power-adjustable seats came from the Imperial line.

All were finished in Spinnaker White with Satin Tan color accents & Medium Brown pin-striping, the H70–15 Goodyear Polyglas tyres mounted on 15 x 6-inch wheels in Saturn Iridescent paint.  Although the high (numerically low; the final-drive ratio a conservative 3.23) gearing was indicative of a machine was built for high-speed cruising on freeways rather than ¼ mile runs along a drag-strip, there were a few visual clues borrowed from muscle car genre, each 300-Hurst equipped with a fibreglass hood including a then-fashionable “power bulge” in the centre and a rear-mounted fresh air intake although, unlike the muscle cars, this fed cold air not to the engine but the passenger compartment.  The trunk lid (“rear-deck” in US terminology) was also a fibreglass piece with an integrated spoiler (then referred to usually as an “airfoil”).  The fibreglass mouldings were fabricated by two different companies and although the hoods were well-engineered, the rear decks lacked the internal stiffening required by a panel of such size and, over time, proved prone to deformation, the warping most severe if sitting for any length of time in heat; a 300-Hurst in an Arizona summer had to be parked with care.

1970 Chrysler 300-Hurst.

By 1970, the 300-Hurst must have seemed anachronistic because the market for high-performance variants of full-sized cars had evaporated as buyer preferences switched to the smaller intermediates and pony cars, by then available with the biggest, most powerful power-plants in Detroit’s inventory.  GM had withdrawn from the segment and although Ford listed the option of a four-speed manual gearbox for big XLs with 429 cubic inch (7.0 litre) V8, none were built while the 1969 Mercury Marauder X-100 (essentially a cosmetic package) was automatic-only and lasted for only two seasons of dismally low sales.  Chrysler’s Plymouth division still offered the 440 in the big Sport Fury and although in 1970 a pleasing 666 left the factory, only only 61 or 64 (the sources differ) lived up to the "number of the beast" tag by the buyer specifying "six barrel" option (with triple two barrel carburetors), rated at a healthy 390 HP.  It’s worth remembering the C-300 & 300B of 1955-1956 were essentially the same size as the intermediates of the mid-1960s that became so popular and were the platform which defined the “muscle car” during its brief and crazy vogue; the size was “right” in a US context and what the full-sized lines had grown to was not.  As the fuselage Chryslers came to exemplify, the huge, full-sizers would prove ideal as “land yachts” a breed particular to the 1970s in which occupants, isolated as never before (and rarely since) from the outside “floated” down the freeways, consuming fossil fuel and expelling pollutants in volumes that now would astonish most and appal Greta Thunberg (b 2003).

There was a one-off 300-Hurst convertible, used as a promotional vehicle for their famous shifters, often accompanied by Ms Linda Vaughn (b 1943) who stood on a platform mounted atop the rear deck, between giant models of shifters.  Ms Vaughn was for more than two decades a welcome adornment to drag-strips, noted usually for noise and brutishness.

In 1970, Chrysler 300s tagged for conversion to 300-Hurst specification came down the assembly line in Detroit's Jefferson Avenue plant before being freighted to Hurst’s facility in Warminster, Pennsylvania, there to undergo a process that differed from the original plan: Instead of deeper oil pans, upgraded ignition systems and the Hurst shifters with which the company had built its reputation, the cars received mostly cosmetic enhancements although the suspension was stiffened.  About the only variations in configuration was some used a column-shift for the transmission and some a floor-shift with a console, the later combination used with bucket seats.  Despite the 7.2 litre V8, the gearing and bulk conspired against muscle-car like acceleration although the ET (elapsed time) of 15.5 seconds for the standing ¼-mile was impressive, all things considered.  However, with a MSRP (manufacturer's suggested retail price) of US$5,939 (without any options) it was the corporation’s most expensive offering (except for the Imperial line) and this, combined with the absence of promotion and the anyway declining interest in the segment meant there wasn’t a second batch beyond the original 500-odd (the total quoted variously between 485-501), many of which lingered on dealers’ lots.  According to internal documents, the initial projections had anticipated first-year sales of 2000; the 1970 300-Hurst was living in a world that had passed it by.

A Hurst Jaws of Life used between 1977-2012 by the fire department in Carlsbad, New Mexico, now on display at the National Museum of American History.

The 300-Hurst was the biggest of a number of cars to bear the Hurst name although internationally, George Hurst’s (1927-1986; founder of his eponymous company), greatest legacy to the world was the “Jaws of Life”, a hydraulic cutter he first developed in 1961 after being shocked how long sometimes it took to extract the driver from the crumpled wreck of a race car.  The great advantage of the “Jaws of Life” was that it worked like a powerful pair of scissors, avoiding the showers of sparks produced by mechanical saws, always a risk to use in areas where fuel is likely to have been spilled.  The basic design came to be used in hydraulic rescue devices worldwide and quite how many lives have been saved by virtue of its availability isn’t known but it would be a big number.

Ms Linda Vaughn on the move.

It’s said one 300-Hurst was dealer-fitted with Chrysler's fabled 426 cubic inch (7.0) Street Hemi V8 but, like many such tales from the era, the veracity of that is uncertain and most find the story improbable.  Chrysler certainly never considered using either the Hemi or the six barrel version of the 440 because, given the market segment at which the thing was aimed, AC was thought likely to be an often chosen option and the factory never offered AC with either the Hemi or the triple carburetor 440, the systems of the era not suited to the high-revving units.  It’s thus an orthodoxy in the collector community that “no cars with the 426 Hemi or 6 bbl 440s were fitted with AC by the factory” and while that’s true of Chrysler’s factories, it not the case for every factory because Jensen in the UK offered AC in their Interceptor SP (Six-Pack, 1971-1973) which used the triple carburetor 440 and the boutique Swiss manufacturer Monteverdi did include AC in the single mid-engined Hai (1970) fitted with a Hemi.