Cede (pronounced seed)
(1) To yield or formally surrender to another; to
transfer or make over something (especially physical territory or legal rights).
(2) To allow a point in an argument, negotiation or
debate (technically as a synonym of concede).
1625-1635: From the Old & Middle French céder, from the Latin cēdere (to yield, give place; to give up
some right or property (and originally "to go from, proceed, leave”)),
from cēdō (to yield), (from the Proto-Italic
kesd-o- (to go away, avoid), from the
primitive Indo-European ḱyesd- (to drive away; to go away), from ked- (to go, to yield).
The original sense in English (to go from, proceed, leave) is long archaic;
the transitive meaning “yield or formally surrender (something) to another”
dating from 1754. The sense evolution in
Latin was via the notion of “go away, withdraw, give ground” and cēdere, with the appropriate prefix
bolted-on, proved extraordinarily in English, yielding forms such as accede,
concede, exceed, precede, proceed, recede, secede, antecedent, intercede, succeed
& supercede. Cede (in one context or
another) can be vested with specific meanings in law but relinquish, abandon, grant,
transfer & convey can sometimes be used as synonyms. Cede, cedes, ceded & ceding are verbs and
ceder & cedents are nouns; the noun plural is ceders.
Senator Lidia Thorpe.
The “debate” between the “yes” and “no” cases for the
upcoming referendum to amend the Australian constitution to include a “Voice”
to make representations to the parliament and executive on matters concerning Indigenous
Australians has evolved to the interesting position of the no case being split
between (1) those who argue the Voice would have too much power and (2) those
who claim it would possess not enough. Politics
being what it is, that split might be unremarkable except the yes case simultaneously
is disagreeing with both while trying hard to avoid having to descend to
specifics and by far the interesting position among the noes is that advocated
by Lidia Thorpe (b 1973; senator (Independent though elected for the Green
Party) for Victoria since 2020). What Senator
Thorpe describes as the basis of the “radical no case” is that (1) colonial
settlement of the Australian land mass was effected by an invasion, (2) Indigenous
Australians never ceded their sovereignty over that land mass and (3) Indigenous
sovereignty is not only ongoing but exclusive and does not co-exist with the claimed
sovereignty of the Crown (ie the construct which is the Australian state). This is the position of the Blak sovereign
movement (BSM) which says Indigenous Australians “…are the original and only sovereign of these lands” which would
seem to imply the Australian government should be considered an “occupying
power”. Whether that’s an “illegal
occupation” or the natural consequence of a successful invasion which
extinguished Indigenous sovereignty depends less on what one thinks happened in
the past and more on what one would like to happen in the future. Either way, the Australian government is
continuing to promise the matter of a treaty (or treaties) will be pursued “sometime”
after the Voice referendum passes; any thought of a failed referendum seems to be unthinkable. The spelling blak existed
in Middle English and several Germanic languages; in all cases meant “black”
and it’s used by the movement as a point of political differentiation, “black”
being a “white” construct.
For something which is the fundamental tenet of the
international order, the modern understanding of sovereignty is a surprisingly
recent thing and though political arrangements which are recognizable as “nations”
have existed for thousands of years, the concept of the nation-state began to coalesce
only in the late Middle Ages. In international
law, sovereignty encapsulates the supreme authority and independence of a state
but it depends not only on an assertion but also recognition by other sovereign
entities. Internally, it implies a government
enjoys an exclusive right to exercise authority and make decisions within its
borders, free from control or influence by other states but in its purest form it
now rarely exists because so many states have entered into international
agreements which to some degree impinge on their sovereignty. Externally, it means that a state is
recognized by other sovereign states and is thus able to conduct foreign
policy, enter into agreements with other states and participate in
international organizations. It also implies
non-interference in a state's domestic affairs by others. All of this illustrates why sovereignty is so
important and why the ongoing existence matters to the BSM activists. Only sovereign entities can enter into legally
binding treaties with others which is why Senator Thorpe observed: “Treaty is so important because we don’t want
to cede our sovereignty. We have maintained our sovereign status in our own
country since forever. We are not about to cede our sovereignty.” However, as many “sovereign citizens” have
discovered when attempting to evade their speeding tickets using arguments invoking
everything from scripture, the writings of medieval natural law theorists and
the Magna Carta, sovereignty is determined not by assertion but by recognition.
In the case of the Indigenous Australians, quite how a
conception of their sovereignty at the point of the colonial invasion should be
constructed is interesting, not only in the abstract but because the BSM wants
treaty negotiations to begin rather than the creation of “a Voice” on the
grounds the latter might be seen to imply an acquiescence to the sovereignty of
the Australian state, thus extinguishing Indigenous Australian
sovereignty. The rapidity with which the
government moved to assure all the Voice would not have this effect suggests
not a statement of constitutional law but an indication they don’t take the BSM
position too seriously. However, sovereign
entities can enter into treaties and although as a pre-literate culture, there
are no pre-1788 written records (in the Western sense), the work of anthropologists
has established the first peoples did have a concept of sovereignty over their
lands. Importantly though, implied in the
phrase “first nations”, the peoples were organized into tribes (“mob” the
preferred modern slang) and their understanding of sovereignty related to each
of the tribal lands. In a legal sense, that
is thought not to be a problem because the Western concept of sovereignty is
quite compatible and for treaty purposes could be considered equivalent (indeed
there was nineteenth century colonial case law which said exactly that). In a practical sense however, there is one sovereign
Australian state and (at least) hundreds of first nations so the mechanics of
the treaty process would seem onerous although almost all the other former
colonies of the British Empire have managed, however imperfectly, to execute
treaties. However, it seem inevitable
the Australian government would prefer to enter into one treaty, even one with
hundreds of signatories but as the Voice discussions have proved (and the very
existence of the BSM has emphasized), Indigenous Australia is not monolithic
and a treaty process could be long and involved.
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