Mnemonic (pronounced ni-mon-ik)
(1) Something assisting or intended to assist the memory.
(2) Pertaining to mnemonics or to memory.
(3) In computing, truncated code thought easy to remember (eg STO for store).
1660–1670:
From the New Latin mnemonicus from the
Ancient Greek μνημονικός (mnēmonikós) (of memory) derived from μνήμων (mnḗmōn) (remembering, mindful) & μνᾶσθαι (mnâsthai)
(to remember); the ultimate root was the
primitive Indo-European men (to
think). The meaning "aiding the
memory", a back-formation from mnemonics
dates from 1753, the noun meaning "mnemonic device" is from 1858. The use in computer programming emerged in
the early days of code and was a space-saving (eg del rather than delete)
tool as well. Mnemonical was the original form from the 1660s. One of the charming ironies of mnemonic is it is one of those words so many can't quite remember how to spell. It's thus in a sense "antimnemonic" and a contronym (also as auto-antonym, antagonym, or enantiodrome) which describes a word with two opposite or contradictory meanings, depending on context. Mnemonic is a noun & adjective, mnemonician, mnemonicalist, mnemotechnist & mnemonicon are nouns, mnemonize & mnemonized are verbs, mnemonical & mnemotechnic are adjectives and mnemonically & mnemotechnically are adverbs; the noun plural is mnemonics.
Sans Forgetica
Sans Forgetica sample text.
Recently released, Sans Forgetica (which translates as "without forgetting") is a sans-serif font developed by RMIT University in Melbourne. Back-slanted and with gaps in the character constructions, it’s designed explicitly to assist readers better to understand and retain in their memory what they’ve read. Perhaps counter-intuitively for those outside the field, the shape is intended to reduce legibility, thereby (1) lengthening the tame taken to read the text and (2) adding complexity to learning and absorbing what’s been read. Together, they create what in cognitive psychology and neuroscience is called "desirable difficulty", in this case forcing (RMIT might prefer "nudging") people to concentrate.
The first three paragraphs of Lindsay Lohan's Wikipedia page, rendered in Sans Forgetica. Sans was from the Middle English saunz & sans, from the Old French sans, senz & sens, from the Latin sine (without) conflated with absēns (absent, remote). Forgetica was an opportunistic coining, the construct being forget + -ica. Forget was from the Middle English forgeten, forgiten, foryeten & forȝiten, from the Old English forġietan (to forget) (which was influenced by the Old Norse geta (to get; to guess), from the Proto-West Germanic fragetan (to give up, forget). The -ica suffix was from the Latin -ica, the neuter plural of -icus (belonging to derived from; of or pertaining to; connected with).
From usually a young age, readers become skilled at scanning text, a process helped by most publishers seeking to render their works as legible as possible. The theory of desirable difficulty is that omitting parts of the font requires the reader to pause and process information more slowly, thus provoking an additional cognitive processing which may enhance both understanding and retention. While the application of the science to a font is novel, there’s nothing original about Sans Forgetica as a piece of typography, it being described as a hybrid of several existing schools and within the theory, on the basis of a small-group sample of students, it’s claimed to be a balance between legibility and difficulty. According to the documents supplied by the developer, it’s not been tested as a device for advertisers to draw people to their text, the theory of that being people scan and dismiss (without retention) the great bulk of the large, static signage which is a feature of just about every urban environment. With Sans Forgetica, because it can’t as quickly be scanned, people will tend longer to linger and so more carefully read the whole; a memorable event itself.
The most recent revision (DSM-5-TR (2022)) to the American Psychiatric Association's (APA) Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) followed DSM-5 (2013) in refining the somewhat vague section on amnesia in both the DSM-IV (1994) & DSM-IV-TR (2000) where appeared the terms “Psychogenic amnesia” & “dissociative amnesia”, the core element of which was: “one or more episodes of inability to recall important personal information, usually of a traumatic or stressful nature, that is too extensive to be explained by ordinary forgetfulness.” That really reflected the popular understanding and there was no clear definition of sub-types in the diagnostic criteria although in the text (not always in criteria) there was mention of localized, selective or generalized forms. In the fifth edition, the disorder was called Dissociative Amnesia (psychogenic amnesia seems to have been replaced) and it was listed in the dissociative disorders section. The definition still includes an “inability to recall important autobiographical information, usually of a traumatic or stressful nature, that is inconsistent with ordinary forgetting” so the popular understanding remains acknowledged but sub-types are now listed: localized (for specific event(s)), selective (some parts of the event), or generalized (identity and life history) amnesia. Consistent with the structural revisions elsewhere in the fifth edition, the exclusion criteria was made more explicit (ie the memory loss should not be due to substances, medication, a neurological condition or better accounted for by another mental disorder) although clinician remain aware of overlap. Significantly the DSM-5 did clarify that amnesia is retrograde (loss of pre-existing memories), especially of autobiographical kind and emphasised the memory loss is “beyond what is expected from normal forgetting.” Because in such matters, there will be so much variation between patients, it remains one of those conditions with fuzzy boundaries and the symptoms presented must be assessed on a case-by-case basis.
Amnesia (memory loss) is much studied and although associated with the aging process, traumatic events (brain injury or psychological impacts) and certain neurological conditions, there have been some celebrated cases of recovery without medical intervention. So convincing was the display of the symptoms of amnesia by Rudolf Hess (1894–1987; Nazi Deputy Führer 1933-1941) that the judges sitting as the IMT (International Military Tribunal) in the first Nuremberg Trial (1945-1946) requested submissions from defence and prosecution counsel on the matter of his fitness to stand trial. The prosecutors assured the bench Hess would be able to both understand and cope with the proceedings and that an imperfect memory was merely a hindrance to his defence rather than an insuperable obstacle. This was of course a predictable argument and the judges acceded to the defence’s request for a thorough medical investigation although they declined the suggestion Swiss doctors be consulted, assembling instead a team from medical staff on hand (three Soviet, three American, three British and one French), all from the nations running the trial. The physicians presented four national papers which broadly were in agreement: Hess was sane (as legally defined) but was suffering from hysterical amnesia, induced by his need to escape from uncomfortable realities, something they found was often typical of “those with Hess’s unstable personality”. All concluded the amnesia was temporary and would vary in intensity, the US doctors suggesting it may even disappear were any threat of punishment removed.
The author Rebecca West
(1892–1983) covered the trial as a journalist and wrote some vivid thumbnail
sketches, noting: “Hess was noticeable because he was so plainly mad: so
plainly mad that it seemed shameful that he should be tried. His skin was ashen and he had that odd
faculty, peculiar to lunatics, of falling into strained positions which no
normal person could maintain for more than a few minutes, and staying fixed in
contortion for hours. He had the classless air characteristic of asylum
inmates; evidently his distracted personality had torn up all clues to his
past. He looked as if his mind had no
surface, as if every part of it had been blasted away except the depth where
the nightmares live.” Whether or not Hess was "mad" (as such folk were described in 1946) can be debated but to many he certainly looked a madman.
Predictably
unconvinced, Hess’s counsel at a hearing on 30 November 1945 told the bench a
defendant could hardly stage an adequate defence if unable to remember names or
incidents vital to his case, adding that on the basis of discussions with his
client, even if he understood the words, Hess was incapable of grasping the significance
of the charges against him. Nor would a
trial in absentia be fair because it would constituent a “grave injustice” were a defendant
not present to give evidence or challenge the testimony of witnesses. He concluded by requesting proceedings
against him should be suspended and resumed only if his condition significantly
improved. To that, the British countered
with a lengthy lecture on the distinctions in English law between amnesia &
insanity and seconded the Soviet view that participation in the trial (and thus
the need to make a defence) might well cure his condition. Essentially, the British argued if he could
follow the proceedings, he was fit to stand trial. The US team noted Hess had at times claimed to
be suffering amnesia while in captivity in England between 1941-1945 and on
other occasions admitted the condition was simulated. In the slang of the English criminal bar: “He had a bit of previous”. The Americans also expressed annoyance at him
having repeatedly refused any of the treatment prescribed by the Allied doctors,
concluding: “He
is in the volunteer class with his amnesia”. The lawyers having finished, the IMT asked Hess
if he wished to speak on the matter. Without
delay, he rose in the dock and walked to the microphone where he addressed the
court in a clear and calm voice, his statement coherent, unambiguous and, most
historians have concluded, clearly premeditated: “Henceforth my memory will again respond to
the outside world. The reasons for
simulating loss of memory were of a tactical nature. Only my ability to concentrate is, in fact,
somewhat reduced. But my capacity to
follow the trial, to defend myself, to put questions to witnesses, or to answer
questions myself is not affected thereby.
I also simulated loss of memory in consultations with my officially appointed
defence counsel. He has therefore represented in good faith.”
At that he sat down in what was described as a “stunned courtroom”. It was at the point the trial’s most sensational moment and as soon as they’d digested the news, the assembled press pack rushed outside to file the story (the US military newspaper Stars and Stripes ran the punchy headline “Hess Nuts. Fake Story Fake”). Immediately, the president of the IMT adjourned the session and the judges went into private session to decide whether Hess should be tried. From their subsequent interviews and writings it appears they were not much influenced by Hess’s unexpected statement but were impressed by the similarity of the conclusions offered by the doctors, the chief US prosecutor saying such “unanimity of medical opinion” was in his experience “historically unique”. All eight judges agreed Hess was fit to stand trial and, after being convicted on two counts ((1) conspiracy to wage aggressive war and (2) waging aggressive war), he was handed a life sentence and would remain incarcerated until in 1987 he committed suicide after some 46 years behind bars, the last two decades of which were served as the sole inmate of Berlin’s Spandau Prison, a huge facility designed to accommodate hundreds. Whether Hess was at any point insane (in the legal or medical sense) and at what point the instability began remains debated.
Less dramatic but perhaps medically even more remarkable than the Hess affair was the recovery from amnesia by Arthur Sinodinos, a case which deserves to enter the annals of academic psychiatry & neurology (and debatably, those of the thespians). In Australia, royal commissions are public investigations, established by but independent of government. Not a court, royal commissions are created to enquire into matters of public importance and, within their terms of reference, have broad powers to conduct public & in camera hearings; they can call witnesses, compelling them (under oath) to provide testimony and they deliver recommendations to government about what should be done, consequent upon their findings. These can include recommendations for legislative or administrative changes and the prosecution of institutions or individuals and they’re of great interest because they appear to be the only institution (at least theoretically) able to compel a politician to tell the truth. Even that power is limited though because when appearing before royal commissions, politicians seem especially prone to suffering amnesia, an obviously distressing condition which compels them frequently to utter phrases like “I can’t remember”, “I don’t recall”, “not in my recollection” etc. In the lore of the New South Wales (NSW) bar, Mr Sinodinous, while in 2014 being questioned by an enquiry, is believed to have set a record for the frequency with which the condition manifested. Fortunately, the enquiry handed down no adverse findings against him and almost immediately, his memory appeared miraculously to recover, enabling the Australian Liberal Party government to appoint him ambassador to the US in 2019 so there's that. The following transcript is wholly fake news:
Donald Trump: "What did you and Joe Biden talk about?"
Arthur Sinodinous: "I can't remember."
Donald Trump: "Not to worry, he won't remember either."
In the rich slang of the NSW bar, the condition once known as RCM (Royal Commission Memory) is now also referred to as “Sinodinos Syndrome”, on the model of “Marcinkus Syndrome” which describes the medical status of Roman Catholic priests who, being investigated for this, that or the other, although seemingly fit and healthy, are never able to be certified quite well enough to be interviewed by the police or other authorities. The condition is named after Archbishop Paul Marcinkus (1922–2006; President of the Institute for the Works of Religion (the “Vatican Bank’) 1971-1989).
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