Anadrome

Anadrome (pronounced an-uh-drohm)

(1) A word which forms a different word when spelled backwards.

(2) In pre-modern medical jargon, the upward path of various elements (pain, blood etc) (obsolete).

Circa 1961 (in this context): The construct was ana- +‎ -drome.  Ana was from the Ancient Greek ἀνα- (ana-), from ἀνά (aná) (backward in direction, reversed) and drome was from the Ancient Greek δρόμος (dromos) (running; racetrack); the surface analysis of anadrome thus can be understood as “going backwards”.  Confusingly however, the Greek prefix aná was appended also to convey the notion of “up, above, upward”, (2) “again”, (3) “thoroughly”, (4) “against”, (5) “distal, away from” and (6) “to grow or change in place; functionally similar”.  So, a deconstruction alone would not be definitive and the meaning is established through context.  The longest accepted anadrome in English is believed to be the pair desserts/stressed but among the dozens which exist, it is god/dog which seems most to amuse students.  The coining (or possibly a re-purposing of the earlier medical jargon) of anadrome was credited to Martin Gardner (1914–2010) who is said to have added it in a 1961 re-publication of Oddities and Curiosities of Words and Literature (1875) by Charles C. Bombaugh (1828-1906) but the word doesn't appear in at least some of the 1961 editions and at least the spike in use may better be attributed to the reclusive and eccentric Dmitri Borgmann (1927–1985) a German-American author regarded still as something of the “high priest of recreational linguistics”.  In his introduction, Mr Gardner does pay tribute to Mr Borgmann as one of the “outstanding creators of word puzzles”.  Anadrome & anadromy are nouns and anadromous & anadromic are adjectives; the noun plural is anadromes.

An young anadromous Atlantic salmon, still resident in the freshwater in which it was born.  The young salmon are called smolts after they gain a silvery hue and migrate to the ocean.

The adjectival form is used in ichthyology, the term “anadromous fish” describing those species born in freshwater rivers or streams that migrate to the ocean to mature and forage, subsequently returning to freshwater to spawn.  First appearing in scientific papers in 1753, the construct of anadromous was ana- (used here in the sense of “up, above, upward”) + dromos (a running), from dramein (to run).  Though the usual natural processes, anadromous fish have evolved with an environmental adaptation called osmoregulation which enables them seamlessly to adapt to changing salinities; that’s what makes it possible for them to live in both aquatic habitats (salt & freshwater).  The process is dynamic as it must be because while some notional freshwater species might move into a sea or ocean only for weeks, others can stay there for years because that’s where they undergo most of their growing cycle.  Remarkably, and using a mechanism not wholly understood (use of the Earth’s magnetic field an intriguing theory), after perhaps years the fish return to their exact natal streams to reproduce.  For freshwater ecosystems, the behaviour is not a mere zoological curiosity because as schools return from their time in saltwater, they bring with them marine-derived phosphorus & nitrogen, “topping up” the elements on which the health of the spawning grounds depends.  Anadromous fish are thus listed as keystone species, some salmon the best known examples.  An anadromic fish swimming to or from the ocean could be said to be proceeding anadromically but the adverb is non-standard.

A catadromous freshwater American eel, slithering out of a pipe, possibly heading back to the ocean, catadromically (again, a non standard adverb).

The companion term is “catadromous fish”, describing species born in salt water that mature in fresh water and return to the sea to spawn, certain eels the best known.  The mysterious European eel exerted a particular fascination upon the natural scientists of Antiquity, Aristotle (384-322 BC) writing the earliest known study although the findings truly were speculative, his novel idea being the creatures were born of “earth worms” which, he suggested, were formed of mud, growing from the “guts of wet soil”.  In the absence of any better theory or observational data, the notion for some time held sway and not for centuries was spontaneous generation disproven.  It wasn’t until the eighteenth century researchers perfected their techniques of dissection and confirmed eels really are fish although, while in recent years it has been possible to effect breeding of eels in captivity, because of the difficulty of replicating at scale the multi-aquatic environment needed for the life-cycle, it’s unlikely any time soon to become commercially viable.  Largely because of demand from the Far East (especially Japan) the European freshwater glass eel has become threatened with smuggling rife, the decline in availability encouraging a trade in the American eel, something which has created problems because of the involvement of transnational crime groups.

25 Franc postage stamp, issued to mark the independence of Upper Volta, 1960.

Although in a sense belonging to the discipline of structural linguistics, the word anadrome (in this context) seems in this context to have come into use (“re-invented” as it were) only in the mid twentieth century and it emerged not from academia but recreational wordplay: It was a “fun word” which migrated to reference books when editors and compliers noticed it appearing in published word games and puzzle culture.  While having no place in formal linguistic theory, it is used as a teaching aid, apparently on the basis of “training the mind to be flexible”, the model believed to be the better known “palindrome” (a word, line, verse, number, sentence, etc reading the same backward as forward), in use since the 1630s.  In logology (recreational linguistics, ie puzzles, word-games and such), there is a great satisfaction in having a coined word “succeed” in the sense of even a limited, specialized acceptance which is why the community has come up with synonyms including: (1) semordnilap (“palindromes” spelled backwards) (2) levidrome (the “Levi” element from the given name of the coiner), (3) reversgram and (4) heteropalindrome (the hetro- prefix a learned borrowing from Ancient Greek ἕτερος (héteros) (other, another, different).  There was a suggestion such words should be called a "volta" (from the Italian volta (which can be used to mean "to turn")) but the idea never caught on.

H.R. Haldeman (1926–1993; White House chief of staff 1969-1973 right) and Richard Nixon (1913-1994; US VPOTUS 1953-1961 & POTUS 1969-1974) doing paperwork (ie shredding evidence) in the White House.

The word did however find a place in geopolitical history.  Flowing south into the West African nation of Ghana from the highlands of Burkina Faso, the Volta River was in the late fifteenth century named by Portuguese gold traders.  Because it was their furthest extent of exploration before returning, the name was appropriate, volta being Portuguese for “turn” or “twist”, thus the common term “river of return”.  As part of the unravelling of the French colonial empire, the République de Haute-Volta (Republic of Upper Volta) was in 1958 created as a self-governing state within the French Community; previously it had been part of the French Union in West Africa as the French Upper Volta.  Independence was granted in 1960 and in 1984 the nation's name was changed to Burkina Faso.  When president, Richard Nixon sarcastically would use “Upper Volta” as a reference to any “unimportant country”, especially if compelled by the conventions of diplomacy to spend time exchanging “pointless pleasantries” with the dignitaries in their visiting delegations.  Sometimes, when someone from the State Department displeased him (a not infrequent happening), darkly he would mutter about having them posted as “ambassador to Upper Volta”, a place Nixon thought a kind of “diplomatic Gulag”.

62¢ postage stamp issued in 2015 by Deutsche Post (The German post office, now a brand of DHL Group) to mark the 200^th anniversary of the birth of Otto von Bismarck (1815-1989; chancellor of the German Empire (the “Second Reich”) 1871-1890).

Among politicians, the phenomenon of an at least affected indifference to the affairs of countries in which no matters of national interest seem obvious is well documented.  His eyes darting east & west, Otto von Bismarck claimed he “never troubled to read the mailbag from Constantinople” although he of course at least glanced at every paper.  While the famous phrase attributed to him: “I shall not live to see the Great War, but you will see it, and it will start in the East.” is likely apocryphal, what is verified he did say: “One day the great European war will come out of some damned foolish thing in the Balkans.”  Confidently it may be asserted he read the telegrams from the embassy in Constantinople (modern day Istanbul in the Republic of Türkiye (Turkey)).  While predicting squabbles in the Balkans hardly demanded great statesmanship, his vision of a “big” European war was remarkably prescient although the chain of events which in 1914 triggered the spread of what could have been yet another localized Balkan war was a consequence of the legacy of inter-locking treaties he'd crafted, his successors less adept in their handling.  Lord Moran (Charles Wilson, 1882-1977; president of the Royal College of Physicians 1941-1949, personal physician to Winston Churchill 1940-1965) in his diary (The Struggle for Survival, 1940–1965 (1966)) on more than one occasion noted Winston Churchill’s (1875-1965; UK prime-minister 1940-1945 & 1951-1955) unconcern about places which had never piqued his interest.  An entry from April 1953 recorded him saying: “‘I have lived seventy-eight years without hearing of bloody places like Cambodia.’  With a whimsical look he strung out half a dozen strange-sounding names.  ‘They have never worried me, and I haven’t worried them.'”  A year on, revisiting his thoughts, when told of troubles in Central America he thought tiresome, Churchill complained: “I’d never heard of this bloody place Guatemala until I was in my seventy-ninth year.” 

Google Ngram

Google Ngram (a quantitative and not qualitative measure): Because of the way Google harvests data for their Ngrams, they’re not literally a tracking of the use of a word in society but can be usefully indicative of certain trends, (although one is never quite sure which trend(s)), especially over decades.  As a record of actual aggregate use, Ngrams are not wholly reliable because: (1) the sub-set of texts Google uses is slanted towards the scientific & academic and (2) the technical limitations imposed by the use of OCR (optical character recognition) when handling older texts (typically a scanner might misread an “f” for a long “s” or a “u” for an “n”) of sometime dubious legibility (a process AI (artificial intelligence) should improve).  Where numbers bounce around, this may reflect either: (1) peaks and troughs in use for some reason or (2) some quirk in the data harvested.

As Google’s Ngram attests, “anadrome” was in use in the nineteenth century, the earliest citation dating from 1840, the use a classic illustration of “lexical overlap” a phenomenon which delights word nerds (an easily delighted lot).  In the mid-late 1800s, anadrome (often written as anadromé, reflecting both the Greek roots and the backgrounds of those using the word) was a technical term seen mostly in botanical and medical publications; it was direct borrowing of the Ancient Greek anadromē (ἀναδρομή) (“an ascent”; “running up”).  Medical dictionaries in the era weren’t new but revised editions were common because advances in observational technologies and techniques meant new entries constantly were required and anadrome seems first to have been used of a variety of “physiological ascents” including (1) Ascending Pain: physical pain starting in the lower limbs or torso and migrating upward, (2) The “upward determination of blood: A rush of blood toward the head or upper body and, best of all (3) Globus Hystericus: The “lump in the throat” sensation described at the time also as the “ascent of the womb”.  While scientifically inaccurate, it was memorable and dated from the era (which lasted well into the twentieth century) when the condition “hysteria” was part of the diagnostic toolkit for physicians assessing female patients.  In botanical use, the meaning was most analogous with the idea of blood flow, botanists describing “upward sap flow” (the ascent of sap through a plant’s vascular system).  What the Ngram has in this case captured is a genuine heteronym (a word that looks the same but has a completely different meaning and subtly different lineage).

Between consenting players only: More than 11 points but don’t try insisting on it in competition or you’ll be blackballed; the Scrabble crew neither forgive nor forget.

The proliferation of synonyms of a word which is little more than a curiosity is an example of why the English language has so many words, most of which are never or rarely used.  The estimates notoriously are vague because there exists no consensus on just what is the definition of a “real word” (which sounds silly but in language there’s no concept like the “real number” in mathematics and, at the margins, disputes are legion).  If one is most accommodating of the definitional spectrum, there may in English be as many as a million words but only 15-20% are thought to be in regular or occasional use.  However, although it has appeared in many lists (often of the strange or obscure), "anadrome" has not received the imprimatur of the major sanctioning bodies setting the rules for the game of competitive Scrabble.  It never appeared in the Collins SOWPODS (an anagram of the two abbreviations OSPD (Official Scrabble Players Dictionary) & OSW (Official Scrabble Words)) or the replacement CSW (Collins Scrabble Words) and nor is it in the NASPA’s (North American Scrabble Players Association) NWL (NASPA Word List).  Quite why Collins replaced the wonderful "SOWPODS" with the dreary "CSW" remains a mystery; more than most, they would know English speakers usually will be pulled to a word with two syllables if the alternative is one of five.  The NASPA Dictionary Committee does accept submissions so anadrome advocates can pursue that course but as a non-standard form, the adverb anadromically definitely has no good prospects.  Those playing at home can of course tolerate a bit of linguistic promiscuity and, provided all players agree, if used, "anadrome" would yield a face value of 11 points (before any double/triple letter or word bonuses) but because there are not eight sequential blank squares on a standard Scrabble board, at least one letter always will attract a multiplier.  For word nerd dissidents unhappy with the dictatorial ways of Scrabble’s ruling ancien régime, there is the scrabblesque (also not a “real word”) “Anadrome the Game” in which "anadrome" is lawful and welcomed.

A brunette era Lindsay Lohan wearing Nahol dress in a black and white rose print by Masai of Copenhagen, rendered as a line drawing by Vovsoft.  The anadrome of “Lohan” is “Nahol”.

Masai describes the Nahol as “a loose, oversized, and comfortable midi-dress, characterized by a V-neck, ¾-length length sleeves, side pockets and an elasticized hem creating a slight balloon effect.”  That it has pockets may be enough of a selling point for women, many designers loath to include them in women’s clothing because any additional bulk might “spoil the line”.  Made with what the manufacturer describes as a “sustainable” (a word that has become the industry’s “new black”) mix of 15% polyamide blend & 85% viscose (said “often” to be FCS (Forest Stewardship Council) certified), the material had a “crinkled” finish in black or printed designs.  It does look comfortably accommodating and, on the move, would "swish" nicely.

Nahol as a proper noun (surname): Dalia Nahol.

While not a recognized word in English or other European languages, Nahol is a proper noun and the village of Nahol (bp) (नहोल (bp)) is in the Shimla District of Himachal Pradesh State, India.  In the anthropological record, it seems most often mentioned as used a name in PNG (Papua New Guinea) and East Africa although many of those texts were derived from oral histories so what was recorded as a phonetic “Nahol” may in some cases have been variants.  Whether there’s any link in origin between the uses in PNG & East Africa isn’t known and as a relatively simple (five letter, two syllable) form, it is likely Nahol came independently to be used as a name in more than one place.  The best documented origin is from Ethiopia where the name Naol often was transliterated as Nahol, Nawol or Naoll; it’s a masculine form from Oromo culture meaning “one who brings the peace” or “peaceful”. 

Nahol as a proper noun (surname): Isaac Amu Nahol.

There is an ancient linkage between Jewish traditions and Ethiopia but there’s no evidence the surname Nahols (most prevalent in Eastern Europe, notably among Jewish communities in Poland and Ukraine) has any connection with the Oromo culture; the similar form Nahal (or Nahaul) from the Hebrew (נחל) (nahal) meaning “stream, brook, valley” (and, by extension, “inheritance” (the idea of an estate “flowing” to the descendants)).  Nahols may have been derived from a Yiddish or Hebrew personal name (on the model of English names such as Stevenson (ie the son of Steven)).  In Arabic, the cognate root yielded Nahel & Nahil which although often understood as “generous” or “successful”, was linked also to “bees & honey”, the latter perhaps accounting for why one Bangladeshi (the old post-partition East Pakistan) source cited the name Nahol meaning “the queen of bees”.

Nova Sky: Yasdnil, Star Of (2021) by Yasdnil (Lindsay Ferraro).

The anadrome of “Lindsay” is “Yasdnil”.  As a surname, Yasdnil is astonishingly rare, the genealogy sites listing only a few dozen instances with the origin, although uncertain, thought to be Persian and from the Yazd region (in modern, Central Iran).  The name is thought drawn from Yas, a type of desert flower, thus the symbolic link of the name with beauty and nature.  Genealogists note the rarity and suspect at least some names with similar spellings may be variant forms.  In the Actinobacteriophage Database, Yasdnil is listed as an Actinobacteriophage (viruses that infect bacteria) in the phylum Actinobacteria; it was found in North Texas in 2018 “…in a soil sample that was dark, dry and had organic material (wood-chips, branches etc).”  The researcher reported the phage was named after “…an individual who was important to me, a lot of time was invested into the phage just as a lot of time was invested into that individual.  Naming the phage after them seemed appropriate as it commemorates commitment and good memories.”  It wasn’t revealed whether the inspiration was a “Yasdnil” or an anadromic “Lindsay”.  Yasdnil is also used as a pseudonym (presumably usually as an anadrome of Lindsay) and the best known may be author and advocate Lindsay Ferraro, who published the poetry collection Nova Sky: Yasdnil, Star Of (2021).  Less encouragingly, NRS (normally reliable source) Urban Dictionary has a listing for yasdnil as meaning “the Devil’s daughter”.

Flachkühler

Flachkühler (pronounced flak-koo-ler)

In German, (literally "wide cooling device" (radiator)), a name adopted by Daimler-Benz to describe the W111 Mercedes-Benz coupés and cabriolets built (1969-1971) with a lower, wider radiator grill than the earlier W111 (and W112) coupés and cabriolets (1961-1969).

Circa 1860s: The construct was Flach + kühler.  The adjective flach (the singular flacher, the comparative flacher and the superlative flachsten) (shallow (wide and not deep)) was from the Middle High German vlach, from the Old High German flah, from the Proto-Germanic flakaz of uncertain origin.  The construct of the noun Kühler ((1) cooler (anything device which cools) or (2) radiator (of an ICE (internal combustion engine)) was kühlen +‎ -er.  Kühlen was from the Middle High German küelen, from the Old High German kuolōn & chuolen, from the Proto-Germanic kōlōną & kōlēną and related to kalaną (to be cold).  It was cognate with the Hunsrik kiele, the Luxembourgish killen, the Dutch koelen, the Saterland Frisian köile, the English cool (verb) and the Swedish kyla.  The German suffix -er (used to forms agent nouns etc from verbs (suffixed to the verb stem)) was from the Middle High German -ære & -er, from the Old High German -āri, from the Proto-West Germanic -ārī, from the Proto-Germanic -ārijaz, from the Latin -ārius.  When used as an adjective, kühler was a comparative degree of kühl ((1) cool (of temperature), (2) calm, restrained, passionless and (3) cool, frigid (particularly of the emotions)), from the Middle High German küele, from the Old High German kuoli, from the Proto-West Germanic kōl & kōlī, from the Proto-Germanic kōluz & kōlaz, from the primitive Indo-European gel-.  It was cognate with the Dutch koel and the English cool.  Flachkühler is a noun; the noun plural is Flachkühlers.

1966 Mercedes-Benz 300 SE (W112, 1962-1967) Cabriolet (Hōchkühler).

The dimensions of the grill used on the Mercedes-Benz W111 coupé & cabriolet were dictated by the height of the 3.0 litre (183 cubic inch) straight six (M189; 1957-1967) engine used in the more exclusive W112 (300 SE) versions.  The M189 was one of several de-tuned variants of the M198 used in the 300SL Gullwing & roadster (W198; 1954-1963) which had started life as the M186 in the big 300 (W186 & W189, “Adenauer” 1950-1963, (the nickname referencing Konrad Adenauer (1876–1967; chancellor of the FRG (Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Federal Republic of Germany; the old West Germany) 1949-1990) 1949-1963) before revealing its competition potential by gaining victories at the Nürburgring, the Carrera Panamericana in Mexico and, most famously, the Le Mans 24 Hours endurance classic.  In the sports cars, the long-stroke six had been installed at an angle of 50^o and fitted with a dry sump which permitted a low hood (bonnet) line but in the W111 & W112 the unit was mounted in a conventional perpendicular arrangement and used a wet sump, further adding to the height, thus the relatively tall grill.  The smaller sixes used in the car (2.2 litre (M127); 2.5 (M129) & 2.8 (M130)) were of a more modern, short-stroke design and didn’t demand such a capacious engine bay but production line rationalization meant maintaining two different sets of coachwork for what were low volume models was not viable.

1971 Mercedes-Benz 280 SE 3.5 Coupé (Flachkühler).

By the mid 1960s however, Mercedes-Benz was well aware the gusty, high-revving sixes with which the brand’s reputation had in the post-war years been re-built were technologically bankrupt for an attempt to compete in the vital US market where, for more than a decade, Detroit had been building the world’s finest engine-transmission combinations.  What was needed was a mass-market V8 and because the big-block 6.3 litre V8 (M100 (1963-1981), introduced in 1963 in the 600 Grosser (W100)) wasn’t suitable for down-sizing, two physically smaller V8 ranges were developed, the first of which was designated M116; released in 1969 and in displacements of 3.5, 3.8 & 4.2 litres, it would serve the line until 1991 (confusingly, there were two iterations of the 3.8, the bore/stroke relationship altered for markets with lower speed limits and more onerous emission regulations).  The 3.5 came first and in 1969 it debuted in the W111 coupé & cabriolet, designated 280 SE 3.5.  By then, the old 3.0 litre six had been discontinued so the tall grill, which had come to look rather baroque, was no longer required and shortly after production commenced, the factory took the opportunity to modernize things with the new, lower & wider grill coming to be known as the Flachkühler (literally “flat cooler” and best translated as “flat radiator grill”, the engineers deciding the earlier design should be referred to as the Hōchkühler (high radiator).  Hōch (high, tall; great; immense; grand; of great importance) was from the Middle High German hōch, from the Old High German hōh, from the Proto-West Germanic hauh, from the Proto-Germanic hauhaz, from the primitive Indo-European kewk-, a suffixed form of kew-; it may be compared to the Dutch hoog, the English high and the Swedish hög.

1955 Chrysler C-300 (top left and dubbed retrospectively the 300A), 1970 Mercedes-Benz 280 SE 3.5 Coupé (Flachkühler, top right), Rover 3.5 Coupé (bottom left) and Rover 3.5 Saloon (bottom right).

Although it's the 280 SE 3.5 Cabriolets which now command the highest price, what they miss is the coupe's lovely roofline, a style the factory reprised for the C215 coupés (1998-2006) but in fairness to Chrysler's stylists, the look was borrowed from them.  For a brief, shining moment in 1955-1956, Chrysler offered their elegant “Forward Look”, the flirtation with restraint not lasting long as "irrational exuberance" washed over Detroit's studios but the influence endured longer in Europe, both the Mercedes-Benz W111 & W112 Coupés and the Rover P5 (1958-1967) & P5B (1967-1973) interpreting the shape.  The Rover was a tale of two rooflines: the “Establishment” Saloon and the rakish Coupé, the latter the sort of thing described in barristers' slang as a "co-respondent's car" (ie the type driven by the sort of chap inclined to sleep with other men's wives and thus be cited in divorce proceedings while the man with the unfaithful wife would have driven a 3.5 Saloon).  For those doubting the relatively modest Rover 3.5 saloon's credentials as a “car of the establishment”, for decades UK prime ministers were chauffeured in one and Elizabeth II (1926-2022; Queen of the UK and other places, 1952-2022) had several, using one until 1987.  

1970 280 SE 3.5 Coupé.  The lovely roofline was a highlight and it's a design best left unadulterated although many haven't been able to resist adding reproductions (usually in anodized plastic) of the chrome wheel arch trim fitted only to the W112.

Testing a 280 SE 3.5 Coupé in 1970, the US magazine Road & Track greeted the revised model with much the same feeling the press would a year later display when Jaguar’s new V12 made its debut in the Series 3 (1971-1974) E-Type (XKE, 1961-1974), writing of the German car: “The vintage coupe gets a lovely new engine”.  The testers came away most impressed with the new power-train, the sheer quality of the build and the performance, the ability to achieve 125 mph (200 km/h) and cruise at high speed for hours not of great relevance in most of the US but anyway something to note of a large and heavy machine of (by US standards) relatively small displacement.  Criticisms were limited mostly to the air-conditioning (it took European manufacturers decades to match what Detroit perfected early in the 1960s) and the swing-axle rear suspension (admittedly a state-of-the-art implementation but still antiquated).  In a sign of the times, the fuel consumption of 15.8 mpg (18.9 mpg calculated in imperial gallons) was deemed “impressive” but that needs to be assessed in the context of the performance and what other cars in the era achieved.  What Road & Track didn’t foresee what was to come for the things as used cars.  Noting the hefty premium charged for the two-door coachwork and that the V8 was also available in the four-door 300 SEL 3.5 (W109), the editors commented: “We wouldn’t give you two cents extra for that hardtop [coupé] body (or the even more expensive convertible [cabriolet] but right now you have to take either that or the also expensive air-suspension on the 4-door sedan to get the V8 engine.  And that is nice.”  By the mid 2020s, all else being equal, the 3.5 coupé sells for 4-5 times what’s achieved by the sedans, the cabriolet at least ten-fold more valuable but in 1970, who would have predicted that?

1970 Mercedes-Benz 280 SE 3.5 Cabriolet (Flachkühler, left) and 1968 Mercedes-Benz 280 SE Cabriolet (Hōchkühler, right).

Produced only between 1969-1971, the two-door 280 SE 3.5s were always expensive and only 3,270 coupés and 1,232 cabriolets were built.  On the US West Coast, in 1970 a 3.5 Cabriolet listed at more than US$13,500 and that was at a time when a Cadillac De Ville Convertible had a base price of US$6,068 (although buyers typically would tick a few boxes on the option list so usually paid around US$7,000; a 1970 Coupe de Ville two-door hardtop listed at US$5,884).  Of course, the Cadillacs included a 472 cubic inch (7.7 litre) V8 and in terms of “dollars per pound” they offered a lot more metal for the money but the customer profile probably then not often overlapped (that would change).  Being another age, the Mercedes-Benz was available with a four-speed manual gearbox (an option Cadillac withdrew after 1953) which was a rather clunky thing which few choose but such is the rarity, they have a following.  The whole ecosystem of 280 SE 3.5 coupés and cabriolets actually became a cult in itself, perfectly restored cabriolets commanding prices in excess of US$500,000 and some German tuning houses will charge more for examples modernized with attributes like ABS (anti-lock brakes and literally "anti-bloc-system"), later V8 engines, transmissions and suspension.  Even now, although in essence the structure dates from the late 1950s and the mechanicals a decade later, the appeal remains because the things are remarkably usable in modern conditions and aesthetically, nothing Mercedes-Benz has made since has anything like the elegance but then, nor have many.   

1953 Morgan Plus 4 ("flat radiator", top left), 1955 Morgan Plus 4 (top right), 1969 Morgan Plus 8 (bottom left) and 2024 Morgan Plus 6 (bottom right).  Thematically, since 1954 not much has changed although, under the skin, there is much is the modern Morgan that is "most modern".

Strangely, the idea of the “flat radiator” had been around for a while in the vernacular of collector car circles but it referred to another aspect of geometry.  In 1952, Morgan of Malvern Link, Worcestershire, was (as it is now sort of still is) an English cottage industry manufacturing pre-war sports cars with more modern engines and they received advice from Lucas that because MG’s new TF (due for release in 1953) would have its headlamps integrated with the bodywork, production of the housing assemblies was ending.  There being no alternative supplier, Morgan were compelled to follow MG’s lead and restyle things so the headlamps were faired in.  Concurrent with unwelcomed change, Morgan the opportunity to effect one of their rare styling changes, abandoning the long-establish upright radiator grill for one mounted in a cowl that blended into the hood (bonnet).  It wasn’t exactly the onset of modernity but there presumably was some aerodynamic gain and just to assure buyers change wasn’t being made for the sake of change, disc brakes would have to wait another few years.  The change to the grill was made in 1953 although, because of the way Morgan operated, some of the older style cars were actually assembled later than the new.  The cars with the traditional Morgan look which features the upright grill are known among aficionados as the “flat radiator Morgans” (definitely not “FlatRads” as has appeared on-line).  In a quirk of industry economics, when the 1961 Imperial range was released, Chrysler began manufacturing its own old-style “freestanding” headlamp nacelles, four of which were mounted on short stalks within deeply scalloped front fenders, a motif (vaguely) recalling what was done in the 1930s.  That the designer dubbed “neo-classical” which may have been a bit of a leap from the term's origin in revivalist architecture.  Imperial retained the look for three seasons although the tailfins were pruned for 1962 after in their final year setting the mark for verticality, peaking at their highest point just a fraction of an inch higher than the famous “twin bullet” installations on the 1959 Cadillac.

Impromptu Flachkühler.

In October 2005, Lindsay Lohan went for a drive in her Mercedes-Benz SL 65 AMG roadster.  It didn’t end well, a low-speed unpleasantness with a van resulting in her roadster suffering a Flachkühler.  Based on the R230 (2001-2011) platform, the SL 65 AMG was produced between 2004-2012, all versions rated in excess of 600 horsepower, something perhaps not a wise choice for someone with no background handling such machinery though it could have been worse, the factory building 400 (175 for the US market, 225 for the RoW (rest of the world)) of the even more powerful SL 65 Black Series, the third occasion an SL was offered without a soft-top and the second time one had been configured with a permanent fixed-roof.  A production number of 350 is sometimes quoted but those maintaining registers insist it was 400.  Ms Lohan's SL 65 was later repaired and sold so all's well that ends well.

Rosemarie Nitribitt and Joe the poodle, with 190 SL, going to or coming from work.

The best-known owner of a Mercedes-Benz 190 SL (W121; 1955-1962) was Fraulein Rosemarie Nitribitt (1933-1957) who, by 1957, was Frankfurt’s most illustrious (and reputedly most expensive) prostitute, a profession to which she seems to have been drawn by necessity but at which she proved more than proficient and, as the reports of the time attest, there was nothing furtive in the way she plied her trade.  Something of a celebrity in Frankfurt (the republic's financial centre), her black roadster became so associated with her business model that the 190 SL was by some referred to as the “Nitribitt-Mercedes” (and, less charitably, the Hurentaxi (whore's cab)), her car seen frequently, if briefly, parked in the forecourts of the city’s better hotels.  The lives of prostitutes, even the more highly priced, can descend to their conclusion along a Hobbesian path and in 1957, aged 24, she was murdered in her smart apartment, strangled with a silk stocking, the body not found for several days.  Given Fraulein Nitribitt operated at the upper end of the market, her clients tended variously to be rich, famous & powerful and that attracted the raft of inevitable conspiracy theories there had been a cover-up to protect their interests, a rather botched police investigation encouraging such rumors.  The murder remains unsolved.

Frankfurt police officers examining Helga Matura's 220 SE cabriolet (Hōchkühler).  Note the jackboots.

In a coincidence of circumstances and geography, a decade later, Fraulein Helga Sofie Matura (1933-1966) was another high-end prostitute murdered in Frankfurt, the weapon this time a stiletto (the stylish shoe rather than the slender blade).  Never subject to the same rumors the Nitribtt case attracted, it too remains unsolved.  In another coincidence, Fraulein Matura’s car was a convertible Mercedes, a white 220 SE Cabriolet (W111, Hōchkühler).  Despite the connection, the W111 never picked up any prurient nicknames and there was no reputational damage but claims Fraulein Nitribitt's murder contributed to 190 SL sales suffering appear over-stated.  The W121's first year of full-production was 1956 with second-season drop-offs in sales not unknown and while at least in Germany, the association with the dead courtesan may have been off-putting for the bourgeoise, without qualitative data, one really can’t say.  There was a precipitous decline in 190 SL sales in 1958 but that was the year of the worst US recession of the post-war years (1945-1973) and it was in the US most of the drop was booked; on both sides of the Atlantic, sales anyway quickly recovered.

Cup

Cup (pronounced kuhp)

(1) A small, open container now manufactured usually using ceramics, plastic, glass or metal, typically with a single handle and used as a receptacle from which to drink fluids (tea, coffee, soup etc) and often categorized by design according to their nominal use (tea cup, coffee cup etc); many cups are supplied in sets with a saucer on which the cup sits protecting surfaces from spillage and offer a place on which a stirring spoon may sit.  A cup can be made from glass but may not be a “glass” while a glass made from glass may also have a handle while mugs are essentially cups but called something else (those learning English must wonder how such a language became the world's lingua franca).

(2) The bow-like part of a goblet or the like.

(3) A cup with its contents (“a cup of tea” etc).

(4) The quantity contained in a cup (which can be a general reference to any cup or a precisely defined measure).

(5) As a customary unit of measure, a defined unit of capacity frequently used in cooking, the quantum of which varies between (and sometimes within) markets but historically based on a half pint (now usually expressed as 220-250 ml or 14-20 tablespoons).  Measuring cups are available with graduations.

(6) An ornamental bowl, vase, etc especially of precious metal, offered as a prize for a contest (the use of “cup” often persisting even when trophies have been re-designed in a different form); a sporting contest in which a cup (or some other trophy) is awarded to the winner (known collectively as “cup competitions”).

(7) Any of various mixed beverages with one ingredient as a base and historically served from a bowl (claret cup burgundy cup, gin cup, cider cup etc).

(8) In Christianity, the chalice used in the Eucharist (used also of the consecrated wine of the Eucharist).

(9) Something to be partaken of or endured; one's portion, as of joy or suffering.

(10) In many fields, any cup-like utensil, organ, part, cavity etc; anything resembling a cup in shape or function.

(11) In botany, parts such as the flower base of some plants.

(12) In women’s underwear, the two forms containing the breasts in a bra or other garment in which an apparatus with a similar function is integrated (camisoles, bathing suits etc).

(13) In certain sports, a concave protective covering for the male genitalia, reinforced with usually with rigid plastic or metal (in some markets called a “box”, “cup” the common form in North America).

(14) In golf-course construction, the metal receptacle within the hole or the hole itself.

(15) In astronomy, a constellation or a crater.

(16) In pre-modern medicine, as “cupping glass”, a glass vessel from which air can be removed by suction or heat to create a partial vacuum, formerly used in drawing blood to the surface of the skin for slow blood-letting (also called the “artificial leech”).  The concept (cupping) remains in use (though without the blood-letting) in certain beauty treatments popular in East-Asia.

(17) In metalworking, a cylindrical shell closed at one end, especially one produced in the first stages of a deep-drawing operation; to form (tubing, containers etc) by punching hot strip or sheet metal and drawing it through a die.

(18) In mathematics, the cup-like symbol ∪, used to indicate the union of two sets.

(19) As CUP, the international standard (ISO 4217) currency code for the Cuban peso.

(20) In tarot card reading, a suit of the minor arcana or one of the cards from the suit.

(21) In Ultimate Frisbee competition, a defensive style characterized by a three player near defense cupping the thrower (or those three players).

(22) A flexible concave membrane used temporarily to attach a handle or hook to a flat surface by means of suction (the “suction cup”, the origins of which were in biomimicry (of the octopus)).

(23) To take or place in, or as in, a cup.

(24) To form into a cuplike shape.

Pre-1000: From the Middle English cuppe & coppe, created by a blending of the Old English cuppe (cup) and the & Old Northumbrian copp (cup, vessel), from the Late Latin cuppa which etymologists list as being of uncertain origin but thought probably a variant of the earlier cūpa (tub, cask, tun, barrel) which may have been cognate with the Sanskrit kupah (hollow, pit, cave), the Greek kype (gap, hole; a kind of ship), the Old Church Slavonic kupu, the Lithuanian kaupas, the Old Norse hufr (ship's hull) and the Old English hyf (beehive).  Etymologists are divided on whether the source of the original Latin was the primitive Indo-European kewp- (a hollow) or the non Indo-European loanword kup- which was borrowed by and from many languages.  The Old English copp was from the Proto-West Germanic kopp (round object, bowl, vessel, knoll, summit, crown of the head), from the Proto-Germanic kuppaz, from the primitive Indo-European gew- (to bend, curve, arch), the source also of the obsolete English cop (top, summit, crown of the head) and the German Kopf (top, head).  The Middle English word evolved also under the influence of the Anglo-Norman cupe & the Old French cope & coupe.  The Late Latin cuppa begat many words meaning “cup” including the Old French coupe, the Saterland Frisian & West Frisian kop, the Old Frisian kopp, the Italian coppa, the Middle Dutch coppe, the Dutch kop & kopje, the Middle Low German kopp, the German Low German Koppke & Köppke, the Danish kop, the Spanish copa and the Swedish kopp.  It was a doublet of coupe, hive and keeve.  The German cognate Kopf now means exclusively “head”.  The first cups doubtlessly were formed by a “cupping” of the hands in order to drink and that action would have been pre-human and an important evolutionary step in the development of the brain.  Later, whatever fell conveniently to hand (sea-shells, the shells of nuts etc) would have been used before drinking vessels came to be fashioned from clay, wood or other materials.  Cup is a noun & verb, cupped & cupping are verbs and cuplike is an adjective; the noun plural is cups.

Art Deco and the coffee cup.

By the late fourteenth century, “cup” had come to be used of just about in the shape of what is now understood as a cup, the sense of “quantity contained in a cup” emerging about the same time.  The sense of a “cup-shaped metal vessel offered as a prize in sport or games” dates from the 1640s, the origin thought to be the traditional ceremonial ritual of celebrating victory by drinking wine or some other alcoholic brew and while it’s speculative, anthropologists have suggested there may be some symbolic link with the idea of “drinking the blood of the vanquished”.  The idea obviously persists, and among the more disgusting versions is drinking from a shoe or boot worn by the victor during the event.  That particular form of podophilic mixology actually has a long history but of late it’s become something of a fetish on the podiums in motor-sport; the term “shoey” was coined in the barbarian nation of Australia.  The origin of the use of “one cup in life” is in the Biblical scripture: And he went a little further, and fell on his face, and prayed, saying, O my Father, if it be possible, let this cup pass from me: nevertheless not as I will, but as thou wilt. (Matthew 26:39 (King James Version (KJV, 1611))).

Art Deco and the tea cup: 1934 "Tango" trio by Royal Doulton in bone china, the cup with the classic pointed handle.

The use of “cup” in recipes is probably one of the less helpful uses of the word and for those not familiar with the conventions, they were probably baffled and wondering which of the various sized cups they had should be used.  The origin of “cup” as a measure lies in the old English unit which was ½ an imperial pint and thus (10 imperial ounces (284 ml), often later rounded to 300 ml.  Elsewhere, countries did their own thing: In Australia & New Zealand it was set at 250 ml after the conversion to metric measurements in 1973; In the US it was a liquid measure equal to 8 fluid ounces (237 ml which was usually rounded to 240); In Canada it was set at 8 imperial ounces (227 ml and rounded to 250).  The “metric cup” is now a universal 250 ml and for recipes this appears to be the preferred use even in North America.  When recipe books were physical objects and distribution tended to be regionally-specific, most users would encounter consistent measures but now so many recipes are downloaded, caution must be exercised. 

Sir Jacob Rees-Mogg taking a dish of tea.  He'd think cups something from which those "not of the better classes" slurp their tea and  "mugs" perhaps a synonym for "the voters".

The term "cup of tea" (in the vernacular as "a cuppa") widely is used although folk like the UK's former Tory (Conservative) Party MP (member of parliament) Sir Jacob Rees-Mogg (b 1969) probably speak of "taking a dish of tea".  Fond of archaisms, Sir Jacob, while a member of the House of Commons, sometimes was referred to as "the right honourable member for the eighteenth century".  Robert Louis Stevenson (1850–1894), although acknowledging he was not without guilt in the practice, really didn't approve of such affectations in literature, describing the over-frequent use of affected archaisms as “tushery”.  The slang “tosh” (now often in forms like “load of (old) tosh”) meaning “rubbish, trash, worthless” isn’t documented in English slang until the mid-1800s whereas tush (thought probably imitative of a snort or scoffing sound, used to express disdain, impatience or disbelief) dates from fourteenth century Middle English.  It was used by William Shakespeare (1564–1616) in act 1 of Othello (1603): “Tush! never tell me; I take it much unkindly...” and his imprimatur may for centuries have encouraged later authors to include it in Shakespearesque and pseudo-Elizabethan dialogue.  The nineteenth century adoption of tosh as slang is thought unrelated to the older Scottish dialect form meaning “neat; tidy” and there are a number of theories about the origin, one being “Tush!”.  Both still are used as dismissive interjections but “Tush!” tends now to be a literary captive while the earthier “Tosh!” belongs to the street.

The word cup appears in many scriptural verses which refer to God's judgment or a time of great suffering, Christ Himself asking James and John if they could "drink the cup" (Matthew 20:22) assigned to Him (by which he meant the suffering He soon would endure on the cross, enduring crucifixion for the sins of humanity.  It’s an important theological point, emphasized (Hebrews 4:15) by Jesus seeming to be overwhelmed and saddened by the prospect and awfulness of his impending crucifixion, praying to God he be spared this fate.  Jesus was, although the son of God, also fully human and few humans wish to suffer humiliation, torture, and death so his prayer was natural but critically, almost at once he submits and resolves to obey the will of the Father.  Whatever his human anguish at what is to come, his absolute commitment was to obeying God and if He was to be crucified then it was the judgment of God.  The idea then is that “suffering is to be endured” was by the fourteenth century expressed in phrases like “the cup of life” and whatever may be the cup, it is “something to be partaken of” because it is the will of God.  In figurative use thus, “one’s cup” is that which is one’s lot to be endured; that which is allotted to one for good and bad whether it be paradise on Earth or nailed to the cross at Golgotha.

The daffodil (one of the common names of flowers of the genus Narcissus); as in many flowers, the alternative name for the corona is the cup.

To be in one's cups was to be “intoxicated”, a use dating from the 1610s which may have been a direct development from the mid-fourteenth century Middle English cup-shoten (drunk, drunken).  One’s “cup of tea” is what interests one and came into use in the 1930s of things or concepts although it’s documented from 1908 applying to persons; tellingly, the use of “not my cup of tea” is more common.  The “cup-bearer” was an early fifteenth century job description to describe the “attendant at a feast who conveys wine or other liquor to guests” but a more specialized use was of the court official who carried with him the cups, plates and other utensils to be used by those fearing poisoning (usually royalty or feudal barons).  The phrase “storm in a tea cup” refers to a fuss being made over a trivial matter and is in the same vein as “much ado about nothing”, “tempest in a teapot”, “storm in a teapot”, “lightning in a bottle” and “make a mountain out of a molehill”.

America's Cup (left), FIFA World Cup (centre) and William Webb Ellis Cup (left).

In sport, cups are a popular choice as trophies and they range from small ones in anodised plastic to large, heavy constructions plated in gold or silver.  The America's Cup is contested in yacht racing and, first awarded in 1870, is the oldest international sporting competition still running.  FIFA's (Fédération Internationale de Football Association (International Federation of Association Football) World Cup was first contested in 1930 with the tournament since run at four year intervals (skipping 1942 & 1946 because of World War II (1939-1945)).  The name “World Cup” remains although the trophy hasn’t, in the conventional sense of the word, actually been a cup since 1974, the last year the finals were contested by 16 teams (there will be 48 in 2026).  The Webb Ellis Cup is the premier trophy in international rugby and since 1987 tournaments have been run every four years.  The cup is named after English Anglican clergyman William Webb Ellis (1806–1872) and according to legend, while a pupil at Rugby School, Webb Ellis ignored the rules of the football game he was playing, picking up the ball and running with it “…thereby creating rugby.”  There’s no satisfactory evidence to support the tale and within the game there’s the joke what Webb Ellis invented was rugby's (some say Rugby School's) tradition of theft.

When used as sporting trophies, cups tend to be known by their official title if the name nicely rolls off the tongue (such as FIFA’s World Cup) but even simple forms attract nicknames, the America’s Cup often referred to within the yachting community as “the auld mug”.  In behavioral linguistics, the phenomenon of attaching an apparently dismissive nickname to something highly prized is described as an “affectionate pejorative” or “ironic diminutive”, both belonging under the umbrella of irony or litotes and in the tradition of meiosis, rather as it wasn’t uncommon for members of the English aristocracy to refer to their grand country houses as “the cottage”.

The Can-Am Challenge Cup: Mark Donohue (1937-1975) on pole in #6 Porsche 917/10 (left) beside Peter Revson (1939–1974) in #4 McLaren M20 (left) with race winner Denny Hulme (1936–1992) third on the grid in #3 McLaren M20 (far right), Mosport Park, Ontario, Canada, 11 June, 1972.  All three drivers would later die on racetracks, Donohue and Revson during testing and Hulme from a heart attack while at the wheel.  Motorsport was once a very dangerous affair and one of the many reasons drivers now have such long careers is improved safety standards mean they're not encouraged to retire by there being several funerals to attend each season.

Sometimes though, the title is a bit of a mouthful, such as the Canadian-American Challenge Cup, run under the auspices of the SCCA (Sports Car Club of America) & CASC (Canadian Automobile Sport Clubs) between 1966-1974 (and in diminished form between 1977-1987).  That of course immediately was in general use clipped to “Can-Am” but those wanting something more descriptive dubbed it the “Horsepower Challenge Cup” and never was a term more apt because that was exactly what rapidly the series became.  It was a competition run under the FIA’s (Fédération Internationale de l'Automobile (International Automobile Federation)) Group 7 rules for unlimited displacement sports cars, written before the FIA degenerated into international sport’s dopiest regulatory body.  Group 7 really did have rules but they were few (enveloping body work, open cockpits, two seats (one of which usually was gestural), two “doors”, some safety requirements and little else) and generously interpreted.  It produced a generation of remarkable machines and was a series in which truly “the cars were the stars”, the drivers just the supporting cast.  By the time things peaked in 1973, the Porsche 917/30 was racing with more power than the Hurricanes, Spitfires and Messerschmitts which had fought the Battle of Britain (1940) and in qualifying trim the 5.4 litre (328 cubic inch) Flat-12 (which engineers describe as a 180^o V-12) could be tuned for 1,500 odd HP (horsepower).  Porsche’s success in winning the cup in 1972 & 1973 ended a half-decade of dominance by the McLarens, powered by naturally-aspirated big-block Chevrolet V8s which, in response to the Porsches, had grown to a displacement of 8.3 litres (509 cubic inch).  To solve that problem, the SCCA and CASC changed the rules to hobble the “turbopanzers” but geopolitics and the consequent economic ripples anyway doomed the series, ending one of motorsport’s golden eras.

Bra cups: Art, engineering and inexact science

Example of the idiomatic use of cup in the phrase “one’s cup runneth over”: Model Adriana Fenice (b 1994) in 32G (10G or anything between 70-82G depending on where sold) bra.

The verb use “to cup” was a part of pre-modern medicine by the fourteenth century, describing the use of something cup-like to press against the skin to draw blood closer to the surface prior to “slow blood-letting”.  Medical dictionaries note there were two modes of cupping: one in which the part is scarified and some blood taken away to relieve congestion or inflammation of internal parts (“wet cupping”, or simply “cupping”), the other in which there was no scarification no blood was abstracted (“dry cupping”).  The concept (as “cupping” and without the bleeding) is still used in certain beauty treatments popular in East-Asia.  The cupful (quantity; that a cup holds, contents of a cup) was known in late Old English and persists to this day, the phrase “cup runneth over” is used to refer an over-supply of anything and was from the Hebrew Bible (Psalms:23:5) where the message was “I have more than enough for my needs” and thus a caution against greed, or in the words of Johann Sebastian Bach (1685–1750): Ich habe genug (I have enough) an unfashionable view in a materialist age although one with which Ms Fenice might concur.  Modifiers are appended as required, hyphenated and not including the teacup (circa 1700), the egg-cup (used for making the eating of boiled eggs easier (1773)) and the cupcake (1828).  Cupcakes were “small cakes intended for one” and were an invention of US English, the name derived either from cup-shaped containers in which they were baked or from the small measures of ingredients used.  The slang use of cupcake to describe an “attractive young woman” was another American innovation from the 1930s.

Example of the idiomatic use of cup in the phrase "storm in a D Cup": Lindsay Lohan in demi-cup bra, from a photoshoot by Terry Richardson (b 1965) for Love magazine, 2012.

If in cooking "cup" has been (just about) standardized around the world, the bra cup, that other use of cup as an expression of volume, is bafflingly diverse, anomalies appearing even within a manufacturer's catalogue.  The use of cup in the bra business seems to have begun in the 1930s although among historians of the bra (a surprisingly well populated niche in the discipline of the history of fashion) many differ in detail; the vague consensus seems to be the term was first used in this context in the early 1930s, was wide-spread by 1940 and almost universal by the early 1950s.  The principle of the cup size was compellingly simple in that there were two variables (1) the torso and (2) the breasts.  The measurement of the torso was expressed by the bra band size (measured under the bust) in inches (or its metric equivalent) such as 30”, 32”, 34” etc, the graduations between the numbers handled by the fastening mechanism (usually a hook & eye arrangement) allowing a “tight” or “loose” fit so a 32” band could be worn by someone with a torso measurement in a 31-33 inch range.  The cup size range corresponded with the volume of the breast and (in ascending order) these were expressed in letters: A, B, C, D etc so when combined, the products were dubbed 32B, 34C etc.  In theory, the two values worked progressively (up & down: alphabetically & numerically) so the cup size of a 32C was the same as a 30D and a 34B; in the industry, the concept is called "sister sizes", each cup the same dimensions but mounted on a different sized structure (defined by the back-band) and labelled accordingly.  That's the theory and within a manufacturer's single range it may often be true but there is no recognized definition for cup sizes so not only are any two 32Cs from different manufacturers likely to be a slightly different size, nor can it be expected the dimensions of the cup of any 30D will align exactly with that of any other 34B.  It may but it can't be predicted and the expectation should be it will likely "tend towards".

Maaree's graphical depiction of the "sister size" concept.  The point is that while band size is an absolute (expressed usually in inches or centimetres), cup size can be an absolute (within the same band size) or a comparative (when applied to different band sizes). 

English borrowed the word brassiere from the French brassière, from the Old French braciere (which was originally a lining fitted inside armor which protected the arm, only later becoming a garment), from the Old French brace (arm) although by then it described a chemise (a kind of undershirt) but in the US, brassiere was used from 1893 when the first bras were advertised and from there, use spread.  The three syllables were just too much to survive the onslaught of modernity and the truncated “bra” soon prevailed, being the standard form throughout the English-speaking world by the early 1930s.  Curiously, in French, a bra is a soutien-gorge which translates literally and rather un-romantically as "throat-supporter" although "chest uplifter" is a better translation.  The etymological origin of the modern "bra" lying in a single garment is the reason one buys "a bra" in the same department store from which one might purchase "a pair" of sunglasses or trousers, both of which, centuries ago, began as two separate items.

The authoritative Honeylove’s comprehensive guide to bras suggest the absolute minimum number a wearer should own is three on the basis of (1) one in the bra drawer, (2) one in the wash and (3) the one being worn; their recommended number is higher but three is the functional minimum.  That was based on essentially the same calculation used in 1939 (a time when the orthodoxy in German military circles was a general European war would not happen before 1942-1943 at the earliest), when the head of the Kriegsmarine's (German navy) Unterseeboote (U-boat; submarine) arm (Grand Admiral Karl Dönitz (1891–1980; head of the German Navy 1943-1945, German head of state 1945)) recommended that for the submarine to be an effective strategic weapon, at any time 100 would need to be deployed at sea.  That would demand the maintenance of a fleet of at least 300 because, in addition to the 100 active, 100 would be either in transit to position or returning to base while another 100 would be in their pens being repaired, serviced or re-fitted.  Unfortunately for Dönitz, at the outbreak of World War II (1939-1945), his fleet numbered not even 60, fewer than half of which were suited to a campaign on the high seas but even then, the U-boats proved a potent weapon and a great threat to the British, the critical dangers not overcome until 1942.  Had Germany entered the war with a fleet of even 150, the course of the Battle of the Atlantic would have been very different.  

Bra size multi-national conversion chart by Fredericks of Hollywood.

Like the footwear business, it seems an industry crying out for an ISO (International Organization for Standardization) but while something buyers might welcome, it seems unlikely industry would share the enthusiasm.  Sizing systems for shoes and bras evolved independently in different regions, based either on local traditions and preferences or just wholly arbitrary choice and there would be much commercial resistance to having to change long-established conventions, something which would necessitate updating labels, packaging & advertising, as well as re-educating initially baffled consumers.  Obviously, that would be costly and therefore lobbied against.  ISO 19407:2015 does provide guidelines for converting shoe sizes between regions but that’s more an acknowledgement of a problem (and a “sort-of”) work-around than a solution and the ISO seems never to have contemplated bras.  Probably, the only way such ISOs could successfully be imposed would be to give industry a long lead-time (perhaps 25-30 years) to permit an orderly and phased world-wide introduction but realistically, few are expecting progress.

Even in the absence of an ISO, an expert will always find the perfect cup size.

Unfortunately the manufacturers complicated things in a number of ways.  Given the A,B,C,D ascending sequence, it would have been reasonable to assume E,F,G & H would follow and in some cases they did but not all, some adopting a double letter convention yielding DD, EE etc but these did not represent fractional sizing-steps between single letters; what was to some manufacturers a DD was an E to others and some were so taken with the idea they added triple lettered sizes so a 32DDD was nominally the equivalent of a 32F from another house.  That was fine because it was obviously a convention that a "DD" meant "larger cup than a "D" but the industry decided that because the "A" cup was the smallest size, "AA" would move in the opposite direction and mean "smaller than an A" while an "AAA" was "smaller than an AA".  When one understands the logic it makes sense but it wasn't intuitive.  Some quirks were understandable such as the one which explains the rarity of the I cup, the explanation being the character might be confused with a numeric "1" which, given the syntax of the system, seems improbable but one can see their point.  Although there are a few "I cup" bras, most manufacturers skip the letter and either leave a nominal gap between the "H" & "J" cups or include a "HH" cup in the range (although there are the odd few who stop at "G" and handle incremental increases in volume with "GG" & "GGG".  It's only the descriptions where there's a lacuna, the actual cup sizes on offer still graduated although it can be mystifying because, between manufacturers, the same size can actually be tagged as "H", "I", "HH", "J" or even "GGG" and while that can make in-store shopping merely time-consuming, for on-line shoppers it makes life especially difficult, thus the attraction of an ISO.

The BUFF: The upgraded version of the Boeing B-52 Stratofortress (replacing the B-52H) will be the B-52J, not B-52I or B-52HH.

The USAF (US Air Force) also opted to skip “I” when allocating a designation for the updated version of the Boeing B-52 Stratofortress (manufactured between 1952-1962 with some still in service).  Between the first test flight of the B-52A in 1954 and the B-52H entering service in 1962, the designations B-52B, B-52C, B-52D, B-52E, B-52F & B-52G sequentially had been used but when announcing the two-stage upgrade of the B-52H, the USAF confirmed airframes on which the first phase (installation of enhanced electronic warfare systems) had been done would be distinguished only by a temporary internal code and, when the second (new engines) phase was complete, the final designation would be B-52J. Were there in the Pentagon a sense of humor, the interim code would have been “B-52HH”.  Although the avionics, digital displays and ability to carry Hypersonic Attack Cruise Missile (HACM, a scramjet-powered weapon capable exceeding Mach 5) are the most significant changes for the B-52J, visually, it will be the replacement of the old Pratt & Whitney TF33 engines with new Rolls-Royce F130 units which will be most obvious, the F130 promising improvements in fuel efficiency of some 30% as well as reduction in noise and exhaust emissions.  Already in service for 70 years, apparently no retirement date for the B-52 has yet been pencilled-in.  In USAF (US Air Force) slang, the B-52 is the BUFF (the acronym for big ugly fat fellow or big ugly fat fucker depending on who is asking).  From BUFF was derived the companion acronym for the LTV A-7 Corsair II (1965-1984, the last in active service retired in 2014) which was SLUFF (Short Little Ugly Fat Fellow or Short Little Ugly Fat Fucker).  

1962 Chrysler 300H (left) and 1963 Chrysler 300J (right).

Chrysler in the US, not wanting the market to think there was a "3001", was in 1963 guided by the same rationale when for the first time since 1956 a letter was skipped in the designation of the 300 “letter series” cars; there’s nothing to suggest the corporation ever pondered a “300HH”.

For those using alpha-numeric designations, the upper case “I” has long been thought troublesome but for many reasons the letter is desirable (it became understood that in the human mind some letters were perceived as “strong” and some “week”) so a way had to be found to “slot it in”.  BMW’s solved the problem when releasing fuel-injected models by the use of a lower case “i” in the alpha-numerics (eg 3.0 CSi) and although creating a point of differentiation from Mercedes-Benz (which used “E” as a marker of fuel injection) may have appealed, a more significant motivation probably was the attraction of the link between “i” and “injection” internationally being more intuitive, especially in the vital US market.  As used by Mercedes-Benz (Eg 220 SE), the “E” stood for Einspritzungssystem (“fuel injection system” in German) and being an early adopter, in Europe, “E” became associated with the technology and that was fair because the Luftwaffe (German Air Force) had done much of the product development in Messerschmitts powered by Daimler-Benz DB60x inverted V12s, many RAF (Royal Air Force) pilots of Hurricanes and Spitfires quickly learning the advantage the system conferred over the carburetor-fed Rolls-Royce Merlin V12s.  So influential did Stuttgart’s “E” prove that Volvo appended an “E” when fuel injection appeared in their ranges which was interesting because linguistically, an “I” or “i” might have been expected as an allusion to the Swedish injektion.

The rare upper case “I”: C-Pillar badge on 1975 Triumph 2.5 PI.  The Swiss underwear house Triumph International is unrelated to the now defunct UK car manufacturer and does not currently have an I cup bra in its inventory.

In this context, while rare, the upper case “I” does occasionally appear, Triumph in 1968 adding the 2.5 PI (indicating the use of Lucas mechanical petrol injection) to the 2000-2500 range (Mark 1, 1963-1969 & Mark 2, 1969-1977); that was OK because the “I” clearly was remote from any numeral.  Unfortunately, although selling well, the 2.5 PI lasted only until 1975 because the fuel-injection system proved troublesome although it seemed to be better behaved on the TR6 (1968-1976) roadsters which in 1975 also reverted to the twin Zenith Stromberg carburetors fitted during the first weeks of production late in 1968.  It was a rare appearance of an “I” but in the decades to follow, as modern, solid state electronics became reliable and cheap enough for fuel injection to “trickle down” the price points, “GTi” proliferated but although the world would become familiar with “GTA”, “GTB”, “GTC”, “GTE”, “GTL”, “GTM”, “GTO”, “GTP”, “GTR”, “GTS”, “GTV”, “GTX” & “GTZ”, few dared to do a “GTI”.  The Lucas system had been developed originally for race cars and in that environment (tended to by expert mechanics) it worked well but it proved never wholly adaptable to the demands of road use.  Tellingly, Triumph didn’t fit the system to cars exported to markets with less developed servicing infrastructure, nor to NA (North America) where the emission regulations were becoming increasingly onerous.  As an indication of the differences in technology at the time, while for the US market Triumph abandoned the Lucas hardware for twin carburetors developed especially as "emission control" devices, Porsche in 1972 was compelled to use the Bosch MFI (Mechanical Fuel Injection) system in order to bring the exhaust emissions of the 911T within the US parameters, twin triple-barrel Weber carburettors used in all other markets except Japan.  Among collectors, Borsch-MFI equipped 911Ts from 1972-1973 are dubbed the “911 T/E”.

Under the A-B-C-D etc cup-sizing system, a given designation varies in dimensions (and thus volumetric capacity) according to the band size, the cup of a 28A smaller than that of a 32A (which should share size and shape with that used on a 30B).   

The theory: Individual results may vary.

Then there was the band size.  Most countries of course use the metric system so dimensions had to be converted but the convention for those advertised in inches was to use increments of 2 (28, 30, 32 etc) while for metric users it was in jumps of 5 cm (70, 75, 80 etc) which is close but not quite the same (28” = 71.12 cm; 30” = 76.2 cm; 32 = 82.28 cm).  More of a problem was that for the system to work, some math was required because the number from the under-bust measurement didn’t directly translate to the advertised bra size: What the buyer had to do was take the number and add 5 inches (12.7 cm) so if one’s under-bust measurement was 29” (73.7 cm), one (at least in theory) needed something with a 34” band (86.4 cm, the closest in the metric countries being the 85 cm range).  However, if the number was over 33” (83.8 cm), then one added only 3” (7.6 cm).  At that point, one needed to determine the appropriate cup.  This required a further measurement, one taken which represented the bust at its fullest projection, the somewhat misleadingly named “over-bust” number which was actually taken following the nipple line.  Many recommended taking it while wearing a bra but if that was a poor fit, that would hardly be helpful and the ideal method turned out to be (and usually this was necessary only if the volume was above a certain point) holding the breasts in place at the desired location while another did the measuring.  An ideal project then in which to involve one’s boyfriend or girlfriend, the only instructions needed being (1) the tape should rest lightly on the skin and (2) it should straight across the back, parallel to the floor.  The relationship between the over-bust measurement and the band size indicated the needed cup size: if the difference is 1” (2.54 cm) then it dictates an A cup; 2” (5.08 cm) and it’s a B cup and so on.  In many cases the simple under/over equation will work but not in all and some authorities have added additional measurements to be taken while in different positions, the 6 listed including lying flat on one's back and leaning forward so the breasts are perpendicular to the ground.  Definitely, the more dimensions which are taken, the more this seems a job for two.  

The math of cup sizes.

In practice it transpired the human body wasn’t so accommodating of production line rationalization but the system worked well enough for it to have endured for decades although only a percentage of women find an ideal fit without the help of an in-store fitter.  Quite what that number is depends on who is asked but it’s clear it’s a long way short of 100%.  The outcome for bra wearers wasn’t helped by the lack of standardization in either the labeling or the technical specification of the cup size.  The inches vs centimetres thing was manageable but even in some countries which had long switched to the metric system, bra sizes often were expressed in inches (a similar aberration to the (almost) universal use of inches for certain products including the wheels used on cars and computer monitors) and because of the internationalized nature of the market with so much imported product, in many countries, both sizing regimes simultaneously were on sale, often in the same shop.  Helpfully, many displayed wall charts with conversion tables.  For some reason, in Australia and New Zealand, the decision was taken to use the antipodean dress sizing standard (8 = 30”, 10 = 32” etc) so thus bra sizes like 8C, 10D etc which local users adapted to but it seems a needless complication.  Additionally, regardless of what country one was in, there was no guarantee a given size from one manufacturer would exactly align with that from another and in England, a comparison by a consumer organization revealed band and cup size differences existed in stated sizes even between various styles produced by the same manufacturer; not all 32Ds were created equal.  Given that, it seems obvious it’s best to seek the assistance of a fitter but in the internet age, customers found capitalism offered a handy on-line, home delivered alternative, the trick being to order half a dozen bras of slightly different declared sizes (eg 30D, 32C, 34B etc), the ones not quite right being returned for credit at no cost, the site paying all the P&H (postage & handling).  That approach has attracted much criticism because of the environmental impact and it proved a significant cost to the distributor so some have now moved to restrict the practice.

Details of a fifteenth century bra in linen from Austria.

Although it wasn’t until well into the twentieth century the idea of cup sized was codified (though to this day not standardized), the concept turned out to be ancient, something confirmed in 2008 when, as part of her PhD research, Austrian anthropologist Beatrix Nutz was undertaking at the University of Innsbruck in Austria, retrieved from the dirt, wood and straw (all discarded stuff apparent used as insulation) of centuries ago in the foundations of an Austrian castle, four linen bras among some 4000 textile fragments.  What was striking was the medieval garment was the similarity to the version first patented in the United States in 1914 something perhaps unsurprising as there really is only one way to achieve the functional effect desired if a minimalist approach is pursued and that’s what was done, a few centuries apart.

Fifteenth century "longline" bra in linen from Austria, the midriff-enveloping fabric originally extending beneath the cups, a still-popular design.

The detailing on the garments would be familiar to those bra shopping in the twenty-first century, the lower ends decorated with finger-loop-laces, sown on with lace-stitches, resulting some simple needle-lace decoration.  There's structural overlap too, one of the unearthed bras in the style of the “longline” bras which first became popular in the 1930s, both representing the practical expedient of combining a type of corset with a bra.  Clearly, while not necessarily something with wide commercial availability, garments in the style of the linen bras must have been well-known (at least in certain circles because in French texts as early as 1315 there are mentions of the “breast bags” or “shirts with bags” women used to support and restrain their breasts and one disapproving author called them “indecent” although it seems his objection was to “breasts too large” rather than the pre-modern lingerie used to minimize their appearance;  the longest known surviving fragment in this vein is a verse from fifteenth century Vienna:

Ir manche macht zwen tuttenseck
Damit so snurt sie umb die eck,
Das sie anschau ein ieder knab,
Wie sie hübsche tütlein hab;
Aber welcher sie zu groß sein,
Die macht enge secklein,
Das man icht sag in der stat,
Das sie so groß tutten hab.

Translation:

Many a woman makes two bags for the breasts,
with them she roams the streets,
so that all the guys look at her,
and see what beautiful breasts she has got;
But whose breasts are too large,
makes tight pouches,
so it is not told in the city
that she has such big breasts.

Nursing bras use specialized cups: Lindsay Lohan inspects the apparatus in Labor Pains (2009).

The most obvious specialized cup is that used with nursing bras which feature an arrangement whereby most of the cup’s fabric can be semi-separated from the superstructure, enabling breast-feeding without the need to remove the whole garment.  Among bra manufacturers, there are different implementations by which the functionality of a nursing bra's apparatus is achieved and presumably chest-feeders (the preferred term among the woke to describe those who used to be called “breast-feeding women”) choose whichever best suits them; it may simply be that for manufacturers the production-line rationalization achieved by being able to adapt the specialized cups to the structures used for conventional bras is compelling, dictating the designs.  Which chest-feeders choose is of some significance given how often heard is the complaint the process is “tiring”.  To those who will never be chest-feeders it sounds more a pleasant and diverting relaxation than anything tiring but they all say it so it must be true.

The "hand bra" motif: Underwired in black (left) and French content creator & author Léna Mahfouf (aka Léna Situations, b 1997, right), Met Gala 2026, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York City, May 2026. 

The "push-up" bra (the best-known the "Wonderbra") lives up to its name by adding within the cups strategically placed padding which has the effect of "pushing up" the breast tissue (it has nowhere else to go), creating the visual effect of something bigger and higher.  Most padding is purely functional but there are also implementations such as the "hand bra" (above left), the term referencing literally the "cupping" of the breasts in the palms of one's hands.  While obviously a novelty item, provided the padding is appropriately placed, it will work as well as any push-up bra.  Padded bras in general (and especially those in which the volume of padding equals or exceeds the volume of tissue) are a form of "constructive deceptive or misleading advertising" and in Somalia (see below), Al-Shabaab conducted their own "truth in advertising campaign".  The eye-catching creation worn by Léna Mahfouf was there for (minimalist) coverage rather than pushing-up and was an example of what can be achieved with modern, medical-grade adhesives.  The event's "dress code" for 2026 was "fashion is art" though at the Met Gala it's more "suggested theme" than enforced code and designers have always interpreted things liberally.  While it could be argued Ms Mahfouf's "hand bra" was more "fashion is engineering", nobody seemed to mind and she wore it well.      

The cupless: A "special purpose" bra available usually in S, M, L & XL.

Other variations include the demi-cup (also called the half-cup ("semi-cup" not a recognized term)), the bullet cup, the adhesive cup (an enlarged & shaped adaptation of the so-called "tit-tape" technology) and the the padded cup.  Those wanting to "have their cake and eat it too" who like to go braless while enjoying the benefit of some support can buy clothes with a "built-in bra" or a "shelf-bra" although the law of physics continue to operate and beyond a certain size (and more to the point: mass), these things simply "don't work".  There are a number of "special purpose" bras, their specificity of purpose ranging from functional to frivolous and the seemingly paradoxical cupless (or open-cup) bra is definitely a niche market product which should be compared to a painting's frame (in the sense a frame can "enhance the viewing experience" rather than its role in providing rigidity to the canvas).  It's thus a fashion accessory divorced almost wholly from a bra's usual purpose (support & coverage) but, for the effect to work, they're still usually fitted with all the components which are essential when worn as "structural devices".  For example, although obviously superfluous, most cupless bras include underwires simply because they're a part of "the look" and behaviorally, the type is unusual in that while most women take off their bra when going to bed (although "sleep bras" are in many catalogues), that's the point at which cupless bras often are put on.

Air suspension: Ford Motor Company's "Ford Aire" spin: it seemed at the time, a good idea. 

In the late 1950s, the European & US car manufacturers began their first venture into the use of air suspension, Borgward, Mercedes-Benz, Ford, AMC (American Motors Corporation) and GM (General Motors) all offering models with the feature.  None of them invented air suspension and the first use on vehicles seems to have been on trucks built in the 1920s by the Czech manufacturer Tatra, better known for its later use of art deco motifs on streamlined cars which featured rear-mounted V8s atop swing axles, a combination as entertaining as it sounds.  On the road, the idea didn’t catch on but during World War II (1939-1945), the US military developed air suspension systems for heavy aircraft, the attraction being the weight saved compared with conventional hydraulics translating into longer range, higher performance and greater load capacity.  In the US, the innovation didn’t last, “Ford Aire” in particular proving a corporate nightmare; offered only on 1958 Fairlanes and station wagons so troublesome was the system barely 100 were so equipped before the option hurriedly was withdrawn, Cadillac and Rambler’s ranges not lasting much longer.  The Mercedes-Benz systems weren’t exactly trouble free but were robust enough to last in some low volume coupés, cabriolets & LWB (long wheelbase) sedans, the last of which were sold in 1973 and the huge 600 Grosser was produced until 1981 although after 1972 when it was withdrawn from the US market, and annual volumes slowed to a trickle.  The air suspension delivered what was then a wondrously smooth ride but it wasn’t until the 1980s advances in materials made the systems sufficiently reliable for non-specialist applications.

Specialist application for air suspension: 1950s-1960s advertising for "Blow-up" bra cups.

However, almost a decade before the unfortunate fate of Ford Aire, the underwear industry introduced “Blow-ups” which were bras with “blow-up” cups.  The technology offered a number of advantages over alternative products including (1) the visual perception of increased volume achieved with no additional weight and (2) different sizes could be achieved, unlike conventional padding or inserts which had pre-set dimensions.  What that meant was (1) a large cup size could be had even with bras of delicate construction because, with no additional weight to support there were no additional downward stresses and (2) the same bra could accommodate different cup sizes, something useful because a size which suits one outfit, might not suit another.  Although only ever a niche product (which most appear to have found a complicated solution to a simple problem) such bras are still available although unlike the originals (which users “inflated” by blowing through a tube), the modern versions are supplied with a hand-operated “squeeze pump”.

The Emergency bra: One bra, two cups, two gas-masks.

Dr Elena Bodnar with Emergency Bra and two test subjects.

The “Blow-up” bra was an example of applying a simple, known technology to enhance a bra’s functionality but Dr Elena Bodnar (b 1964), director of Chicago's Trauma Risk Management Research Institute, adapted the garment’s intrinsic design elements and created the “Emergency Bra” which quickly could be transformed from a single-purpose piece of lingerie into two protective, respiratory face masks.  In an emergency, one mask (cup) could be used by the bra’s original wearing while the other could save the life of someone nearby although, obviously, if more than two people are in the affected area, the others will just have to die but, each wearer having only one spare cup to allocate, tough choices will have to be made.  The invention gained her a well-deserved Ig Nobel Prize in 2009.  Awarded annually since 1991 and sponsored by the periodical Annals of Improbable Research, the Ig Nobel Prizes are not exactly a parody of the Nobel Prizes but a way to bring to wider attention unusual, bizarre or otherwise thought-provoking achievements in science, literature and engineering.

Dr Bodnar explains the concept.

Dr Bodnar was inspired to create the Emergency Bra while working with children re-located from the contaminated zone declared after the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear accident in Ukraine.  Understanding the radioactive Iodine-131 aerosol released from the damaged reactor had been a major contributor to the internal radiation dose received by the affected population, she concluded the consequences would have been much less severe if mothers had to hand a means of protecting their children.  It was when she saw photographs of people running down the street after the 9/11 terrorist attacks in New York City she was convinced of the need for such a thing.  On 9/11, people used less than adequate pieces of cloth over their mouths and noses and it was obvious what was needed was a simple, readily available mask which would be functional yet allow “hands free operation”.  She settled on the bra because (1) the design inherently provided two masks, (2) most women wear one most of the time and (3) the dual-purpose use could be created without compromising the garment’s original aesthetics or functionality.  As YouTube posts can verify, during the COVID-19 pandemic, the idea was taken up by many who improvised their own while the desirable N95 surgical masks were in short supply.

Some disassembly required.  The Emergency Bra was available in designer colors.

Dr Bodnar admitted disaster preparedness was “not the most enthralling discussion topic” but her experience suggested that once people had stopped laughing after learning of the Emergency Bra, they appreciated “the underlying idea: an effective personal protective device needs to be simple, economical, and readily available.”  What the Emergency Bra did was “provide a person with a critical time window to escape from fires, explosions, natural disasters and biological and radiological terrorist attacks.”  There was also a psychological element in that “as well as protecting against inhalation of harmful airborne particles and freeing victims' hands while they escape, it can decrease the chances of a panic attack in large crowds by providing individuals with a sense of security.”  Of course, those who wear a DD cup presumably will enjoy a higher chance of survival that someone in an AA but life is unfair and it's just the luck of the draw.

Illusion bra in red with beige panels.

Many bras purposefully are designed to create an illusion of some sort (higher, bigger or smaller (despite what men tend to believe, the “minimizer” concept really is a thing)), higher etc) but there is a class of cups which borrows its motif from the “illusion dress”.  An illusion dress is one of often conventional cut but with the novelty of certain panels using a “flesh tone” fabric, thereby creating the illusion of bare flesh.  There’s an art to the illusion dress and a successful execution seems best achieved when adopting the “less is more” approach; smaller panels well-placed creating a more effective illusion than using too much surface area.  The illusion bra is the same idea and in some cases is structurally identical to a conventional model, the only difference being the use of a flesh tone fabric in certain parts of the cup.  The most dramatic effect is achieved when built using the “cage bra” model but most implementations tend to be more modest.  To achieve the best match with human skin, the fabric of choice is often a de-lustred satin and given the cultural sensitivities, such things are no longer advertised with the phrases “skin-tone” or “flesh-tone”, the popular descriptors now "beige", "brown" etc. 

Sydney Sweeney, “cleavage hack” PSA, October, 2025.

Illusions can also be created with an application of stuff directly to the skin.  In addition to her movie work and promotional activities, actor Sydney Sweeney (b 1997) also does PSAs (public service announcements) and in October 2025 posted to Instagram what she described as a “cleavage hack”.  What she did was apply in three dimensions the chiaroscuro technique artists use in two.  In painting, chiaroscuro describes the use of deep variations in and subtle gradations of light and shade in color; what it does is enhance the delineation of character, adding to the dramatic effect.  What the admirable Ms Sweeney did was selectively apply make up to strategic points on her décolletage, the interplay of darker and lighter skin emphasising the effects naturally created by her curves.  Of course, as we know from American Eagle’s recent campaign, “Sydney Sweeney has great jeans”, one aspect of her genetic luck is she’s less in need than many of a “cleavage hack” but the trick works with flesh in just about any dimensions.  For those without her advantages, the chiaroscuro effect can further be enhanced by using a “wonderbra” of some type and experts caution that because what’s being sought is contrast, users may need to experiment with different colors to determine which best suits the skin tone.  Expertly done (practice makes perfect), a bronzer or highlighter in the right shade will optimize the contours and produce a sculpted look.

Vaquera’s crew neck T-shirt with trompe l'oeil underwear.  Despite the model’s dour expression (it’s part of their training for the catwalks), the look really should be worn for fun.  The skin-tone of the legs is because of tights, not Photoshopping.

Bra cups can even be virtualized.  The technique called tompe-l'œil (from the French and translating literally as “trick the eye”) describes an optical illusion created by rendering on a two-dimensional surface something which appears as a three-dimensional object and the trick had been around for millennia when first the term was used in 1800 by French artist Louis-Léopold Boilly (1761-1845) for a painting he exhibited in the Paris Salon.  While it wasn’t for a few decades trompe-l'œil (usually in English as trompe l'oeil) accepted by the academy as a legitimate part of high-art, architects and interior decorators continued to exploit the possibilities and the term entered their lexicons.  It has of course for years also been used in the prints on T-shirts but of late this has extended to depictions of underwear.  For most of the twentieth century, the sight of an exposed bra strap was a social faux pas, Vogue and other dictators of fashion publishing helpful tips recommending (for the well-organized) sewing on Velcro strips and (for everyone else) the industry’s DLR (device of last resort): the safety pin.  By the 1980s things had changed and the bra emerged as a fashion piece which might in part (or even in whole) be displayed.  It’s a look which waxes and wanes in popularity but one which has never gone away although it’s one of those things where ageism remains acceptable: beyond a certain age, it shouldn’t be done.  Now, fashion houses are promoting trompe l'oeil bras, knickers and other underwear printed on T-shirts, one attraction being it’s possible to create depictions of garments appearing to possess an intricacy or delicacy either not financially viable or impossible IRL (in real life).

A mastectomy bra with prostheses (left) and with the prostheses inserted in the cups' pockets (centre & right).

There are also bras for those who have lost a breast, the cups of which are “double-skinned” in that they feature internal “pockets” into which a prosthetic breast form (a prosthesis) can be inserted.  Those who have had a unilateral (or single) mastectomy (the surgical amputation of one breast) can choose a cup size to match the remaining while those who have lost both (a bilateral or double mastectomy) can adopt whatever size they prefer.  There are now even single cup bras for those who have lost one breast but opt not to use a prosthetic, an approach which reflects both an aesthetic choice and a reaction against what is described in the US as the “medical-industrial complex”, the point being that women who have undergone a mastectomy should not be subject to pressure either to use a prosthetic or agree to surgical reconstruction (a lucrative procedure for the industry).  This has now emerged as a form of advocacy called the “going flat” movement which has a focus not only on available fashions but also the need for a protocol under which, if women request an AFC (aesthetic flat closure, a surgical closure (sewing up) in which the “surplus” skin (often preserved to accommodate a future reconstructive procedure) is removed and the chest rendered essentially “flat”), that is what must be provided.  The medical industry has argued the AFC can preclude a satisfactory cosmetic outcome in reconstruction if a woman “changes her mind” but the movement insists that's an example of how the “informed consent” of women is not being respected.  Essentially, what the movement seems to be arguing is the request for an AFC should be understood as an example of the legal principle of VAR (voluntary assumption of risk).  The attitude of surgeons who decline to perform an AFC is described by the movement as the “flat refusal”.

World map with the traditional Mercator projection (left), world map with land masses accurately to scale (centre) and world map with true size overlaid on the Mercator depiction (right).

In most of the world, women’s main issue with bras probably is finding one which fits and affords both support and comfort, the informal test being it should “feel like not wearing one”.  That can be a challenge (certainly after a long, hot day) and the inconsistencies in the sizing and labelling doesn’t make it easier but if tiresome, the problems are at least manageable.  In Africa, bras can be more of an issue and the continent is a big place (bigger indeed than the impression created by maps of the world which use the still popular Mercator projection which exaggerates the size of the land masses at more northern latitudes (Europe, Asia and North America)).  The are 54 sovereign states on the continent and the African Union recognizes also the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (Western Sahara), which is a disputed territory but it’s neither recognized by the United Nations (UN) as a member state nor granted observer status.  The African Union is a pan-African association comprised of the whole 55 entities although several currently are suspended because of military meddling in politics.

Nigeria’s Olabisi Onabanjo University (OOU and (named after Chief Victor Olabisi Onabanjo (1927–1990; governor of Ogun State 1979-1983))) staff enforcing the “No Bra, No Entry” rule.

So geographically it’s big and also diverse politically, culturally, religiously and ethnically with different countries in various stages of development, all of those factors having sometimes led to clashes with wars and other conflicts legion; the death toll over recent decades is in the millions.  Given all that, less lethal squabbles were perhaps inevitable but one source of disputes which may not have been predicted concerned that most Western of garments: the bra.  In June 2025, a viral video circulated showing (female) staff at Nigeria’s Olabisi Onabanjo University in the south-western state of Ogun, frisking students to verify bras were being worn, enforcing the institution’s “No Bra, No Entry” rule for exam halls.  The backlash on social media was predictably swift with users condemning the act as “harassment” and a “violation of human rights”, pointing out women have “different reasons for not wearing bras” ranging from comfort to poverty.  A (male) representative for the university’s student union seemed unimpressed with the protests, posting on X (formerly known as Twitter) that: “No bra, no entry is not a new policy in Olabisi Onabanjo University”, adding that the institution promotes “modest dressing” to ensure a “distraction-free environment."  In case people didn’t get it, the post went on to clarify things, explaining the policy was enforced to prevent “indecent dressing capable of making the opposite sex unnecessarily lust after them.”  However, in conclusion, the representative did acknowledge the strength of feeling and said the union would hold discussions with university authorities to explore “more respectful and dignified” alternative methods of enforcement.  Like many institutions, the OOU seems to understand that if a problem is identified, women must be cause and therefore must be blamed.

The Brady Bunch's Marcia (left) and Jan (right).

Lest it be thought making bras compulsory is something culturally specific, during the latter seasons of the US television sitcom The Brady Bunch (1969-1974), the director (physically!) would check two young actresses (Maureen McCormick (Marcia, b 1956) & Eve Plumb (Jan, b 1958) to ensure bras were on, the method being a palm of the hand placed between the suspect’s shoulder blades, a detected strap a “pass”, its absence meaning a trip back to the dressing room.  The rationale for this was the show having a “wholesome, family-friendly image” and a concern the outline of a nipple protruding through fabric might jeopardize advertising revenue.  Going braless was an act of deliberate rebellion by the teen-aged pair and apparently they got away with it for a couple of episodes before being detected, triggering the “battle of the bras”.  Interestingly, unlike the protocols used at the OOU, the physical check was performed by a man, the show’s director, Lloyd Schwartz (b 1946), something which must seem remarkable to the #metoo generation but times have changed.

Being a big place of 54 sovereign jurisdictions, cultural standards in Africa vary from place to place and while bras may sometimes be compulsory in Nigeria, to the east they have in the past been banned.  In 2009, Reuters reported in the Somali capital Mogadishu, members of the hardline Islamist group al Shabaab publicly had whipped women for wearing bras, a garment they claim violates the rules of Islam by “constituting a deception”.  It was an interesting example of cultural difference given that in the West bras often are marketed as a device to enable women to do their own "deceptive and misleading" advertising.  The news agency reported gunmen had been seen rounding up any woman whose appearance suggested the presence of a bra which they were instructed to remove and then “shake their breasts”.  One woman interviewed on condition of anonymity told Reuters: “Al shabaab forced us to wear their type of veil and now they order us to shake our breasts, my daughters have been whipped.  They first banned the former veil and introduced a hard fabric which stands stiffly on women's chests. They are now saying that breasts should be firm naturally, or just flat."

Ladies Undergarments Fancy Bra Imported Bra & Panty, Shopkeeper number: 0313 5520532, Shop 36b, Al Ghaffar Mall, G 11 Markaz, Islamabad, Pakistan.

The very existence of such a place in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan would appal al-Shabaab which would declare the whole place Haraam on the grounds of promoting “deceptive and misleading conduct”.

Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen (known usually as al-Shabaab and translated as “the youth”) remains active in and beyond Somalia although its presence in Mogadishu has been restricted to raiding activities with their effective control of territory limited to southern and central regions.  As a military and political formation based (notionally) on youth, al-Shabaab can be compared with the Pakistani Taliban (طالبان) which translates variously as “students”" or “seekers (of knowledge)” and is the plural of the Arabic-derived ṭālib (طالب) (“student” or “seeker”).  Formed in 2007, the origins of the Pakistani Taliban lay in the madrassas (Islamic seminaries) which produced graduates marked by a mix of youthful energy, a militant interpretation of Islam and a belief in violent jihad as a means of furthering the political end of imposing a rigorous form of Sharia law on the Islamic Republic of Pakistani.  The earlier product of the Pakistani madrassas was the Afghan Taliban which emerged in southern Afghanistan during the mid-1980s (though the name would not come into use for several years).  The students came mostly from Madrasses in the rather lawless border areas (notably Baluchistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa), the funding for which came from Saudi and Western sources (with the active logistical support of the Pakistan military’s ISI (Inter-Services Intelligence), the funders’ interest being to oppose the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan.

Unlike the other great monotheist faiths (Christianity and Judaism) which (at least at certain stages) had standardized, codified rules, despite the existence of the Holy Quran, lacking centralized authority (such as the Roman Catholic pope) Islam’s precepts have long been open to interpretation (a trend the Anglicans picked up after the 1968 Lambeth conference) which is why al-Shabaab members were able to ponder whether a bra was haraam, halal or fard.  Haraam was from the Arabic حَرَام (ḥarām) and meant “forbidden by Islam; unlawful, sinful”.  Halal was from the Arabic حَلَال (ḥalāl) and meant “allowable, according to Muslim religious customs” (although in some places it’s now rather more prescriptive).  Fard (or fardh) was from the Arabic فَرْض (farḍ) (religious duty) and was from فَرَضَ (faraḍa) (to ordain, make obligatory, specify) and meant “obligatory for all Muslims”.  Although those three headings (forbidden; permitted; compulsory) are well known in the West, the Sharia is more nuanced and the key terms in Islamic jurisprudence include:

Halal (حلال): Permissible

Haraam (حرام): Forbidden

Fard (فرض): Obligatory or compulsory

Wajib (واجب): Also means obligatory but in use it seems now to apply to matters not strictly enforced

Mustahabb (مستحب): Recommended

Makruh (مكروه): Disliked, but not sinful

Mubah (مباح): Neutral or permissible (neither encouraged nor discouraged)

Nigeria’s Ogun state is not exclusively Islamic (estimates of the population breakdown vary, the Christians estimated between 35-70%) but the OOU’s student union clearly is convinced the wearing of a bra is Fard (at least when sitting an exam) whereas to al-Shabaab it’s definitely haraam.  While it can be predicted al-Shabaab will be uncompromising and not prepared to reclassify bras as Makruh, it remains to be seen whether the OOU union’s discussions with university authorities will result in the garment becoming merely Mustahabb or enforcement at least reduced to Wajib.